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Annals of the 

Bhandarkar Oriental 

Research Institute 

Volume XXIY 





Printea and published by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D,, at 
Bhattdarkar Institute Press, Bhandarkar Oiie 
Research Institute, Poona No 




Hia Excellency Sir Lawrence Roger Lumley, G.C.I.E., D.L., 

Governor of Bombay 

Vice- Presidents 

Sir Chintamanrao aliaa Appasaheb Patwardhan, Rajaaaheb of Sangli 
Shrimant Narayanrao Babaaaheb Ghorpade, Chief of Ichalkaranji 

Shrimant Sir Malojirao Mudhojirao alias Nanasaheb Naik Nimbalkar, 

Rajaaaheb of Phaltan 

K. S. Jatar, Esq., G.I.E- 


Sir G. D. Madgaonkar, I.C.S. 

Dr. Sir R. P. Paranjpye, M.A., D.Sc. 

REQTJAL.TING COUNCIL, for 1942-1945 

Chairman * 
Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Prat inidhi, B. A., Ra jasaheb of Aundh 

l Fd* Chairman * 
* Dr. Sir . P. Paranjpye, MJL, D.Sc. 

Joint Trustees 

Sardar G. N. Mujumdar, C.I.E. 
Diwan Bahadur K. M. Jhaveri, 

M.A., LL.B. 

EXECUTIVE BOARD for 1942-45 

Prm. J. R. Gharpure, B.A., LL.B. 

( Chairman ) 

Dr. R. H. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D. 

( Secretary ) 

Prof. C. R. Devadhar, M A. 

( Treasurer ) 

fProf. K. V. Abhyankar, M A. 
Rao Bahadur Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, 

M.A., Ph.D. 

tDr, S. M. Katre, M.A , Ph.D. 
I>rr V. G. Paranjpe, M.A., LL.B., 


fDr. M. B Rehman, M.A., Ph.D. 
Dr, P. L. Vaidya, M.A., D Litt. 
T Nominated by Government. 

Dr. A. S. Altekar, K.A., LL.B., D.J^itt. 
Dr. V. M. Apte, M.A , Ph.D. ', * 

Dr. P. V. Bapat, M.A. r Ph.D. 
f-Dr. V. G Bhat M*A., Ph.D. 
Prof. ST. G. Damle, M.A. 

Rao Bahadur K. F. Dikahit, M.A. 

Prin. D. R. Gadgil, M A., M.Litt. 

fProf. A. B. Ga^endragadkar, M.A. 

Mm. Prof. P. V. Kane, M.A., LL.M. 

Prof. D. D. Kapadia, M.A., B.Sc. 

Prin. R. D. Karmarkar, M*A. 

Dr. Mrs. Irawati Karre, M.A., Ph.D. 

Mr. N. C. Kelkar, B. A. LL.B. 

Hon'ble Mr. Justice N. S. Lokur, 

B.A., LL.B. 

Prof. D. V. Potdar, B. A. 

Khan Bahadur Prof. Abdul Kadar 

Barf raj, M A. 

Dr. I. J S. Taraporewala, B.A M Ph.D 

Prof. R. D. Vadekar, M.A. 

*To be elected annually. 


Annals of the 

Bhandarkar Oriental 

Research Institute 

Volume XXIV 



K V ABHYANAR, M A., R. ft. DANDEKAR. M.A., Ph.D., 


Printed ind published by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D., at the 
Bhaadarkar Institute Press, Bhandarkar Odenta' 
Research Institute, Poona No. 4. 



( 30-6-1943 ) 

T: by TC V. Ananfcanarayan Sastn ..* i-ii 

Silver Jubilee Celebrations ... iii-xlvii 


Silver Jubilee Address by Sir S. RadhakriRhnan, 

K.T., LL.D., F.B.A. ... 1-8 

The Influence of Popular Dialects on Sanskrit by 

Dr. S. M. Katre, M.A., Ph.D. ... 9-26 

Raghava Apa Khandekar of Punyastambha-his 

Works and Doscendants by P. K. Gode, M.A,.., 27-44 
Devayana and Pitryana by H. G. Narahari, M.A,... 45-59 
" The Supposed Identification of Udayana of 
Kausambi with Udayin of Magadha ? ' by 
Liladhar B. Keny, B.A. ... 60-66 

The Authorship of the Mahabharata by Dr. N. J. 

Shende, M.A., Ph.D. ... 67-82 

Unpaninian forms and usages in the Critical 
Edition of the Mahabharata by E. D. 
Kulkarni, ML A. ... 83-97 


Miscellaneous Notes by M. V. Kibe, M,A 

( i ) On Agrawala's Mbh. Note ... 98 

( ii ) An internal evidence as regards the age 

of the Bhagavadglta ,.. 99-100 

( iii ) The sanction be'iind the teaching of the 

Bhagavadglta ... 100-102 

li Contents 


Srlmadbhagavadglta with Sarvatobhadra of Raja- 
naka Ramakantha, edited by T, R. Chintamani, 
M. A,, Ph.D., reviewed by Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, 
M.A,, Ph.D. ... 103-105 

Srlman Mahabharata Tatparya Nirnaya, reviewed 

by S. N. Tadpatrikar, M.A. ... 106-107 

The Prthvlrajavijaya of Jayanaka with the com- 
mentary of Jonaraja, reviewed by Dr. H. D. 
Sankalia, M A., Ph.D. ... 107-108 

Jainism and Karnataka Culture, reviewed by 

Dr. H. D, Sankalia, M.A., Ph.D. ... 108-109 

The Law of War and Peace in Islam, reviewed by 

Shaikh Chand Husain, M.A, ... 110-112 

Arabica & Islamioa, reviewed by Shaikh Chand 

Husain, M.A. ... 112-113 

A Bibliography of the Ramayana, reviewed by 

Prof, R. D. Vadekar, M.A, ... 114 

A History of the Canonical Literature of the 
JainaB, reviewed by Prof. R D. Vadekar, 
M * A ' ... 114-115 

Jain Sahitya Aur Itihasa ( in Hindi ), reviewed by 

Prof. R D. Vadekar, M.A. ... 115-116 

The Dvaita Philosophy and its place in the 
Vedanta, reviewed by Prof. R. D. Vadekar, 
M - A ... 116 

India as described in early texts of Buddhism and 
Jainism, reviewed by Prof. R. D. Vadekar, 

Historical Method in relation to South Indian 

History, reviewed by Prof. S. R. Sharma, M.A. 118 

Contents iii 

Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts in 
the Adyar Library, Vol. I Vedio, reviewed 
by P. K. Gode, M.A. ... 119-121 

Books Received ... 121-122 


In Meraoriam : Vishnu Sifcaram Sukthankar 

1887-1943, by Dr. S. M. Katre, M.A., Ph.]?. ... 123-135 
Tribute from the West ... 136 

To Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, by S. B. D. ... 137 

3?fnrr?[rT: by K. V. Krishnamoorthy ... 137-138 

Prof. Dr. Har Dutt Sharaa, M.A., Ph.D., by N. A. 

Gore, M.A. ... 139-140 

MahSmahopSdhySya VSsudevasastri Abhyankar, 

by Prof. C. R. Devadhar, M.A. ... 140-142 

Dr Narahar Gopal Sardesai, L. M. & S., by P. K. 

Gode, M.A. ... 142-144 

Mrs. 0. A. F. Rhys Davids by Dr. P. V. Bapat, 

M.A., PhD. ... 145-146 

In Memoriam Prof. Dr. Heinrich Zimmer, by 

R.N.D. ... 146-147 

edited by 

Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D. ... 81-107 



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Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

: \ 

: it 

: II 

^ "IN <4 Tti sy I H'H*! 


His Excellency Sir Roger Lunxley, 

G, C. I. E M D L M 
Governor of Bombay 
President, Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Raja Shrimant Raghunathrao Shankarrao alia* Babasaheb 
Pandit Pant Sachiv, 

Rajasaheb of Bhor 


4th and 5th of January 1943 

The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute completed the 
twenty-fifth year of its services to Oriental learning on the 6th 
of July 1942. The authorities of the Institute had already decided 
to celebrate its Silver Jubilee, some time during the year 1942, 
in a manner befitting the honoured name of Sir Ramkrishna 
Bhandarkar and the great reputation achieved by the Institute, 
for its work, during a quarter of a century. Accordingly they 
issued their first appeal in this regard as early as 25th November 
1941 (see appendix I), Appeal was also issued to Oriental 
scholars in India and outside for contributions for the two 
Volumes, which it was proposed to publish, to commemorate the 
Silver Jubilee. The Silver Jubilee of the Institute should have 
been celebrated, properly speaking, on its 25th anniversary-day, 
namely, 6th July 1942. Owing to the disturbed national and 
international situation, iowever, it was considered advisable to 
postpone the celebrations to a later date. After due deliberations, 
the Executive Board of the Institute finally fixed the 4th and 5th 
of January 1943 as the dates for the celebrations. 

But in a sense the Silver Jubilee celebrations may be said to 
have commenced on the 6th July 1942 and continued up to the 
26th of February 1943. On the 6th of July, a formal function was 
arranged at the Institute to celebrate the twenty-fifth foundation 
day, when Sir Chimanlal Setalvad, K.C.I.E,, LL.D., the ex.- Vice- 
Chancellor of the University of Bombay, presided and Reverend 
Father H, Heras, 8. J,, delivered, before a large audience, a 
lecture, illustrated with lantern slides, on " The Divine Triad of 
the Proto-Indians and its Evolution in the Mediterranean 
Nations". On the morning of the 7th July 1942, Dr, S. K. Belvalkar 
inaugurated his Silver Jubilee Lecture Series on Sliagavadglta. 
Three times every week thereafter he delivered lectures at the 
Institute, dealing in detail with the text of the Bhagavadglta and 


Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the general problems connected with it. The last lecture in the 
Series, on " The Historical Setting of the Bhagavadglta ", was 
delivered by him on the 26th February 1943 Mr. J. S. Karandikar 

The 4th of January 1943 will be regarded a red-letter day in 
the annals of the B. O. R. I. Since early morning, members of the 
Institute and delegates specially deputed for the Silver Jubilee 
celebrations by several academic institutions in India were gather- 
Ing in large numbers on the grounds of the Institute. Sweet and 
auspicious notes of Sanai mingled with the stately sound of the 
CJiaugTiada. Punctually at 8-30 A.M., to the accompaniment of the 
sacred hymns of the Veda chanted by learned Brahmanas, Prin- 
cipal V. K. Rajvade, who was one of the Vice-presidents of the 
first Working Committee of the Institute, garlanded thef bust of 
Sir R. G. Bhandarkar and than proceeded to the open grounds 
behind the main building of the Institute. There, in the refresh- 
ing sunshine of the early January morning, he planted, in the 
presence of an interested gathering, a Vata tree in commemora- 
tion of the completion of the twenty-fifth year in the career of 
the Institute, Altogether it was an ennobling experience 1 After 
the distribution of Prasadd, the morning programme terminated 
in an atmosphere of great enthusiasm and expectation. 

In the afternoon, the delegates paid a visit to the Deccan 
College Postgraduate and Research Institute, where they were 
entertained to tea by the Director, Dr. S. M. Katre, and his col- 
leagues. On behalf of the delegates, Dr. C. Kunhan Raja thanked 
the Director for the reception. 

Since 4-30 in the evening, streams of men and women, young 
and old, were seen hurrying in the direction of the Institute to 
attend the main function of the Silver Jubilee programme. A 
spacious and very tastefully decorated Mandapa was erected on 
the grounds of the Institute behind the main building, 
Delegates from several academic bodies, members of the Institute, 
invited guests all numbering over 2000 were received at the 
gate by the Secretary and the members of the Institute's staff. 
Never* in recent years, had such a huge gathering of the elite 
assembled in Poona. At 6 P. M., Shrimant Rajasaheb of Bhor, 

Stiver Jubilee v 

the President-elect, and Sir S. Radhakrishnan, tho Chief Guest, 
of the Jubilee, arrived at the Mandapj, and were received by 
Shrlmant Rajasaheb of Aundh and his colleagues on the 
Regulating Council of the Institute. 

In proposing Shrimant Rajasaheb of Bhor to the chair, Mr. 
N. C. Kelkar dwelt at length on the happy combination, seen on 
that occasion, of three great cultural iaetors., viz. those represent- 
ed by tha Institute, the Chief Guest, and the President-elect 
(see appendix II). Principal R. D. Karmarkar seconded the 

After the President and the Chief Guest had taken their seats 
on the dias, Shriraant Raja of Aundh read his welcome-speech, 
wherein he gave a general review of the manifold activities of 
the Institute, during the last quarter of a century, which have 
evoked unanimous approbation on the part of scholars all over 
the world. He thanked the patrons of the Institute for their con- 
tinued financial help and briefly outlined the future programme 
of work undertaken by the Institute ( see appendix III X In his 
Presidential speech, Shrimanfc Rajasaheb of Bhor referred to the 
universal appreciation which the work of the Institute 
particularly the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata has receiv- 
ed and appealed to his brother-princes and other rich patrons to 
promote the activities of the Institute by means of generous 
grants ( see appendix IV ). 

Messages of greetings and good wishes on the occasion of fclae 
Silver Jubilee of the Institute were then read by the following 
gentlemen on behalf of the learned bodies which they represented : 

Dr. C. Kiinhan Raja Madras University; Adyar Library; 

Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner. 

Dr. Ludwik Sternbach Polish Academy of Learning. 
Dr. Manilal Patel Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan ; 

Gujarathi Sahitya Parishad. 

Prof, P, V. Ramanuja- Shri Venkateshvara Oriental 

swami Research Institute, TirupatL 

Rao Bahadur P. C. Gujarat Research Society. 


Prof. V. BL Naik Kannada Sahitya Parishad. 


Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

K. A. Padhye, Esq. 
Prim R. D. Karmarkar 
Prof. H L. Auluck 

B. R. Eulkarni, Esq. 

The Buddha Society. 
University of Bombay. 

Vishveshvarananda Vedic Research 
Institute, Lahore. 

Rajavade Sainshodhan Mandir, Dhulia 

Among other delegates present on the occasion were :- 

Diwan Bahadur K. M. 

S, N. Moos, Esq. 
Dr. D. K. Karve 
Q. M. Moneor, Esq. 

Dr, S. M. Katre 

Rev. Father Heras 
Prof, S. R. Sharraa 
A. P. Karmarkar, Esq. 
L. B. Keny, Esq. 
Mr. Coelho 

Prof. R. V. Pathak 
0. G. Karve, Esq. 

Prof. V. M. Joshi 
X S. Karandikar, Esq. 
G. K. Deshmukh, Esq. 
C. G. Kashikar, Esq. 

P. E. N.; Prince of Wales Museum; 
B, B. R. A. a, K. R. Kama Oriental 

Institute, Bombay. 
Government of Bombay. 
Indian Women's University. 
Archaeological Department of the 
Government of India. 

Deccan College Postgraduate and 
Research Institute. 

Indian Historical Research Institute, 

Gujarat Vernacular Society. 

Bharat Itihasa Samashodhak Mandal, 


Maharashtra Sahifcya Parishad. 
Vedashastrottejaka Sabha, Poona. 
Phaltan State. 
Yaidika Samshodhan Mandal, Poona. 

Numerous other messages were received from scholars and 
patrons of the Institute, who could not attend the function, 
and from learned bodies, who could not depute any delegates. 
The Honorary Secretary, Dr. R. N. Dandekar, read in full the 
following message received from H. E. Sir Roger Lumley, the 
Governor of Bombay and the President of the Institute, and it 
was received with enthusiastic cheers by the audience. 

Silver Jubilee vii 

Government House, Bombay 

Since ifcs foundation more than a quarter of a century ago, 
the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute has rendered 
great service to the cause of Oriental learning and deeply 
enriched the tradition of Indian scholarship. As President 
of the Institute, I am proud of the noteworthy contributions 
which have been madfe to the study of India's literary heri- 
tage under its auspices, and I am glad of the occasion of its 
Silver Jubilee to congratulate it upon the brilliant achieve- 
ments in Indian classical scholarship which it has fostered 
during the past 25 years, I give ray best wishes to the 
Institute for the future and I shall look forward in particular 
to the day when its great work for the Mahabharata has 
been successfully completed. 

Roger Lumley 
1st January 1943 Governor of Bombay 

The Secretary then also announced the names of other persons 
and institutions who had sent messages of greetings. Prominent 
among them were the following : 

Sir Leslie Wilson; Sir Maurice Gwyer; Vice Chancellors of 
Annamalai, Punjab, Nagpur, Andhra, Patna, Aligarh, Allahabad, 
Travancore, Benaras, Delhi Universities ; U. P, Historical 
Society 5 Sind Historical Society, P. E. N M Dr. V. S. Agrawalla, 
Kannada Research Institute ; Dacca Museum-, Dr. M. H. Krishna; 
Dr. S. K. Chatterji : Iran League ; Scindia Oriental Institute ; 
Mm. Dr. GK H. Ojha ; Cheena Bhavan ; Nagari Pracharini Sabha ; 
Varendra Research Society; Vishva Bharati ; Greater India 
Society -, Bombay Natural History Society ; Archaeological 
Departments of Jodhpur and Baroda ; Bihar and Orissa Research 
Society; International Academy of Indian Culture; K. R. 
Cama Orienal Institute ; Mr. John Sargent ; Sarasvati Mahal 
Library, Tanjore ; Dr. R. Shamsastry. * 

* Messages of congratulations and good wishes -were recently received 
by the Secretary from the American Oriental Society ( dated 5th Feb. 1943 ), 
Yale University ( dated 6th Feb. 1943 ) and University of London ( dated 8th 
March 1943). 

riii Bhandarkar Oriental Researth Institute 

After the formal communication of the messages of greetings 
and good wishes, the Honorary Secretary read the following re- 
solution passed by the Institute 

" Resolved that the Honorary Membership of the Bhandarkar 
Oriental Research Institute be conferred on the following eminent 
scholars on the occasion of the forthcoming Silver Jubilee : 

1 Sir 8. Radhakrishnan, Kt., M.A., D.Litt., LL.D., F.B.A., 
who, by his profound and many-sided studies in Indian 
Philosophy and Culture and by his gift of eloquence, has 
given a new status to Indian civilisation and carried its 
mystic message to the peoples of the civilized world. 

2 Mahamahopadhyaya Dr* Gaurishankar H. Ojha, who has 
combined in all his life-long historical research the pro- 
fundity of ancient Indian scholarship and the critical 
acumen of modern Orientalists, thus endearing himself to 
the scholar and layman alike. 

3 MahamaLopadhyaya Prof. S. Kuppuswamy Shastri, who, 
by his critical editions of abstruse Sanskrit texts and the 
monumental catalogue of South Indian Manuscripts, has 
facilitated the study of these manuscripts and given a new 
stimulus to Sanskrit learning. 

4 Prof. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar, M.A., Ph.D., F.RA.S.B , who, 
by his valuable researches in Indian history and archaeo- 
logy, has maintained the scholarly traditions of his revered 
father Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar. 

5 Mahamahopadhyaya Prof. P. V. Kane, M.A., LL.M., who, 

by his life-long and profound study of Hindu Dharma- 
sastra and other branches of Sanskrit learning, has proved 
a veritable beacon light to the younger generation of 

6 Prof. M. Hiriyanna, M. A., who, by his deep study of Indian 
philosophical texts and fascinating presentation of their 
tenets, has attracted even laymen to the treasure-house of 
Indian philosophy. 

7 Dr. B. C, Law, M.A., B,L,, Ph.D., who has rendered lasting 
service to the cause of Indian culture and Buddhistic 

Sir S, Radhakrishnan, Kt., LL. D., F. B. A, 








Silver Jubilee iz 

studies by his own scholarly publications and who has pro- 
moted allied scholarly efforts by his generous patronage. 
8 Prof. Dr. Suniti Kumar Ohatterjee, who has enhanced the 
prestige of Indian scholarship by his numerous and ori- 
ginal scientific contributions to the study of Indian 

Amidst cheers, the Raja of Bhor announced the formal election of 
these gentlemen to the Honorary Membership of the Institute. 

Again amidst cheers the Honorary Secretary announced the 
following donations received on the occasion of the Silver 
Jubilee : 

Raja of Bhor Rs. 2500/- for the foundation of a 

Silver Jubilee Research Fellowship 

at the Institute 

EL H. Maharaja of Dhar Rs. 5000/- ( Mahabharata B^und ) 
Shrimant Kanayalai Rs. 2QOO/~ ( ) 

Bhandari, Indore 

H. H. Rajasaheb of Saugli Rs. 1000/- ( ) 

H. H. Maharani Indira* Rs. 500/- ( , t ) 

baisaheb Holkar, Indore 

Kesari-Maratha Trust Rs. 500/- ( ) 

M. R. Joshi Rs. 500/- ( ) 

H. E. H. The Nizam's Rs. 500/- ( Silver Jubilee Fund ) 


Nirnayasagar Press, Bombay Rs. 5 00/- ( ) 

H. H. Maharaja of Rs. 250/- ( ) 


H. H. Maharaja of Rs. 250/- ( ) 

Dewas ( Junior ) 

Shrimant Rajasaheb Rs. 100/- ( ) 

of Phaltan 

He further announced that fifteen new Life-members were 
enrolled on the occasion and that contributions towards the 
Silver Jubilee fund fiom individual members amounted to about 
Rs. 2000. 

Then followed the formal publication of the two Volumes 

x Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

which were prepared to commemorate the Silver Jubilee of the 
Institute. Dr. R N, Dandekar, the Editor of the Volumes, while 
requesting Sir S. Radhakrishnan to formally announce the publi- 
cation, read the following statement : 

"About the end of the year 1941, the authorities of the 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute decided to issue the 
twenty-third Volume of the " Annals " ( for 1942 ) as a Special 
Jubilee Number on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee celebrations 
of the Institute and entrusted the work of editing it to me. 
Accordingly, in November 1941, I issued an appeal to several 
Indologists, in India and outside, inviting their contributions for 
the Silver Jubilee Volume. The willing response which I then 
received from all quarters was an excellent indication of the high 
regard in which the memory of Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandar- 
kar and the work of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
are held in the world of Oriental scholars. I take this opportunity 
of expressing on behalf of the Institute my heart-felt gratitude 
to all those friends whose kind collaboration has made it possible 
for us to bring out the present Volume, which, as will be seen 
from the contents, is characterised by variety of subjects and 
originality of treatment. 

The Silver Jubilee Volume of the "Annals" which covers 
nearly 700 pages includes seventy research papers contributed 
by Oriental scholars in India and outside. A broad classification 
of the contents of the Volume is as follows * 

Subject Serial numbers of articles 

Veda and Avesta : 5, 17, 34, 50, 52, 62, 68. 

Epics and Puranas : 2, 4, 19, 32, 46, 59, 60, 65. 
Classical and Modern 

Literature : 3, 20, 41, 47, 57, 69. 

Religion & Philosophy : 7, 11, 14, 22, 29, 39, 40, 42, 44, 48, 51, 66. 

Buddhism and Jainism : 6, 10, 16, 64. 
History, Archaeology, 

Epigraphy etc, : 8, 12, 23, 24, 26, 30, 31, 33, 35, 36, 43, 

49, 53, 54, 55, 56, 63, 70. 

Linguistics : 9, 15, 28, 45, 61, 67. 

Silver Jubilee \i 

Sociology : 13, 18, 25, 37, 38, 58. 

Technical Sciences : 1, 27. 

Study of Manuscripts : 21. 

The second Volume called " Progress of Indie"* Studies " is of 
peculiar interest. The last twenty-five years may adequately be 
regarded as the period of renaissance in the history of Indologl- 
cal Studies. A general resurgence of the spirit of nationalism 
became evident in India in the first decade of this century. It 
was not merely a political movement ; indeed It proved to be a 
veritable source of inspiration for the revival of the whole cultural 
life of this country on national basis. Indians began to take 
special interest; in the ancient history and culture of their mother- 
land. Work of first rate importance was - and is being produced 
since then- in this branch of learning. 

The usefulness of a retrospect of that work, to a student of the 
subject, is quite patent. Apart from being a source of inspiration 
it would show where we actually stand today and what we have 
still to achieve. 

I considered the Silver Jubilee of the Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute as the most suitable occasion to undertake a 
survey of the progress made in Indie Studies, in India and out- 
side, during the last twenty-five years. Accordingly I requested 
several scholars to co-operate with me and I take this opportunity 
of expressing my sincere thanks to all of them for their willing 
response. Without their kind collaboration this work would 
have been impossible. 

The "Progress of Indie Studies' 7 contains the following articles. 

Twenty-five Years of Vedic R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D. 

A Survey of Work done, in J. M. Unvala, Ph.D. 

India and outside during the 

last twenty-five years, in the 

field of Iranian Studies 

Twenty-five Years of Epic and A. D. Pusalker, M.A., LL.B,, 
Puranic Studies Ph.D* 

A brief Sketch of Prakrit Studies A, M. Ghatage, M.A., Ph D, 


Sljandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 

A brief Survey of the Work 
done in the field of Classical 
Sanskrit Literature during the 
last twenty-five Years 

Pre-Vedic Times to Vijaya- 
nagara : A Survey of 25 Years' 
Work in Ancient Indian 
History and Archaeology 

Progress of South Indian 
Archaeology and Epigraphy 
during the past 25 Years 

Progress of Greater Indian 
Research during the last 
twenty-five Years ( 1917-1942 ) 
Linguistics in India 


A Survey of Research in Indian 
Sociology in relation to Hindu 
harma-$astras ( 1917-1942 ) 

Indian Philosophy : A Survey 

Study of Manuscripts 

Late Dr. Har Dutt Sharma, 

M.A. f Ph.D. 

H. D. Sankalia, M.A., LL.B., 


K, S. Panchamukhi, M.A. 
U. N. Ghoshal, M.A., Ph.D. 

Suniti Kumar Chatterji, M.A,, 

Pandharinath Valavalkar, 

LL.B., Ph,D. 

P. T. Raju, M.A M Ph.D. 
Chintaharan Chakravarti, M.A. 

I am only sorry that owing to unavoidable; circumstances the 
article on " Twenty-five Years of Islamic Studies " undertaken 
by Dr, S. M. H. Nainar remained uncompleted and could not be 
included in the Volume. 

In my capaiaty as the Editor of these two Volumes, I now- 
present them to the world of scholars. " 

While announcing the formal publication of the Volumes, Sir 
S. Radhakrishnan, to whom advance copies were already present- 
ed, spoke of them in highly appreciative terms and characterised 
them as the most fitting memorial of the Institute's Silver 
Jubilee . 

The Honorary Secretary then read the following resolution 
passed by the Institute . 

fc " Resolved that on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee, Silver 
Jubilee Medals be aw$rde<3 to the following gentlemen for their 

Principal J. R. Gharpure 







Silver Jubilee xiil 

devoted services to the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 
during the last twenty-five years : 

1 Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, B.A. t the enlightened 
Rajasaheb of Aundb, who, by his selfless zeal and generous 
patronage, has promoted the welfare of the Institute la 
diverse ways since its very foundation, and who, by his 
initiation of and princely help towards the work of the 
Critical and Illustrated Edition of the Mahabharata, has 
heralded a new era in the history of modern critical 
scholarship in this country. 

2 Prin. J. R. Gharpure, B.A., LL B , who has been closely 
associated with the working: of this Institute since its 
foundation and who, by his energetic leadership, has instill- 
ed in all his co-workers a spirit of hope and confidence at 
critical junctures of the Institute's affairs, 

3 Rao Bahadur J;r. S. K. Belvalkar, M.A., Ph.D., who has 
played a prominent role not only in establishing the Insti- 
tute but in guiding its footsteps from infancy to maturity 
with paternal solicitude, indefatigable industry and a 
rare spirit of optimism all his own. 

4 Dr. V. S. Sukfchankar, M.A., Ph.D., who, as the helmsman 
of the Institute's work of the Critical Edition of the Maha- 
bharata, has steered clear of the Scylla and Charybdis of 
the problem of Mahabharata text-criticism by the high 
standard of his scholarship, thus initiating a new epoch 
in Oriental studies and bringing international recogni- 
tion and honour to the work of the Institute. 

5 Mr. P. K. Gode> M.A., who, as Curator of the Institute, by 
exercising vigilant supervision and maintaining stern dis- 
cipline, has done the Institute invaluable service in preser- 
ving intact the priceless collections of manuscripts entrust- 
ed to his care, and who, at the same time, through a rich 
harvest of learned papers on the most diverse subjects has 
established firm landmarks ia the shifting sands of Indian 
chronology and thus helped to consolidate the reputation 
of this Institute for rigorous methodology and precise 
scholarship in the domain of the literary and cultural 
historiography of India, " 

xiv JBhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

While awarding the Siver Jubilee medals to these gentlemen, 
Sir S. Radhakrishnan said that, while so usefully serving the 
Institute, the recipients of the medals were, in a larger sense, 
promoting the cause of Indian learning and culture in general. 

All these formal items over, a volley of enthusiastic cheers 
greeted Sir S. Radhakrishnan when he proceeded to address the 
huge gathering who were eagerly awaiting this main part of 
the function. In his usual eloquent style, the Chief Guest deli- 
vered his inspiring address, which was listened to by the audi- 
ence with rapt attention (see " Annals " Vol. XXIV pp. 1-8). All 
people were so fully absorbed in his forceful and convincing 
words that no one even noticed that there was once a slight dis- 
location in the electric current, while the address was being 

The meeting terminated with a vote of thanks, proposed by 
Mr. B. S, "Cam at, the senior Vice-President of the Institute, to 
the President of the Jubilee function, the Chief Guest, the dele- 
gates, the delegating bodies, the scholars and patrons, who had 
sent good wishes on the occasion, and the Public. 

At night Shrimant Rajasaheb of Aundh gave a private exhi- 
bition of a film of his own " Himalayan Tour" for Sir S. 
Radhakrishnan and a few other friends. 

Programme for the next day, 5th January 1943, was gone 
through by the delegates and members with unabated zeal. At 
8-30 in the morning a group photograph of the delegates was 
taken together with Sir S, Radhakrishnan, the Rajasaheb of Bhor 
and the members of the Regulating Council of the Institute. 

This was followed by a lecture by Prof. Dr. C. Kunhan Raja of 
the University of Madras. Dr. S. M. Katre proposed Sir S. 
Radhakrishnan to the chair and Dr. P. L. Vaidya seconded th^ 
proposal. The Chairman then introduced Dr. Raja to the audi- 
ence and congratulated him on the very proper choice of the 
subject for the lecture. For over an hour, the lecturer spoke 
brilliantly to the very appreciative audience on " The Message of 
Naimisaranya " { see appendix V ). 

The subject of the lecture and its unique treatment by Dr. 
Raja elicited from Sir S. Radhakrishnaa 3 few presidential 

Silver Jubilee xv 

remarks, which again were a veritable treat from the point of view 
of contents as well as of style. On behalf of the Institute, Dr. V, S. 
Sukthankar proposed a vote of thanks to the lecturer and the 

After the lecture, on the Invitation of Principal J. R. 
Gharpure, Sir S. Radhakrishnan and the other delegates paid a 
visit to the Law College, where S. Radhakrishnan addressed a 
few words to the students of the College. 

At noon Shrimant Rajasaheb of Aundh gave a dinner to Sir 
S. Radhakrishnan, the delegates, the members and the guests. 

The next item on the programme-card was " Informal Dis- 
cussion of Indological Topics >? , which commenced at 3-30 in the 
afternoon and continued for over two hours. Rev. Father H. 
Heras of the Indian Historical Research Institute of Bombay 
presided. Several topics were mooted and ably discussed by 
scholars ( see appendix VI ). The discussions were highly 
interesting and instructive and it was regretced by many that, 
for want of time, more topics could not be taken up for discus- 
sion* In a brief but very suggestive speech, Father Haras 
wound up the deliberations. Dr. Manilal Patel proposed a vote of 
thanks to the president and all those who participated in the 

In the evening, in the presence of a distinguished gathering, 
the Rajasaheb and Yuvarajasaheb of Bhor among them, the 
Aranyaka-Parvan of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata was 
formally presented to the Rajasaheb of Aundh, the firsfc patron of 
the project. On arrival, the Rajasaheb was received by the 
Honorary Secretary and other members of the Executive Board. 
The proceedings of the evening commenced with the recital of 
Mangala-slokas in Sanskrit. The Secretary of the Mahabharata 
Editorial Board, Dr. V. S Sukthankar, made a brief statement 
about the progress made in the Critical Edition of the Epic 
undertaken by the Institute ( see appendix VII ). He then present- 
ed the Aranyaka-Parvan edited by himself to the Rajasaheb and 
announced the publication of a fascicule of the Sabha-Parvan 
edited by Professor Edgerfcon of the Yale University. The Raja- 
saheb of Aundh, In Ms speech, made a fervent appeal to the 

xvi BUMkat Oriental Research Institute 

Princes and People of India to granfc financial aid to the Institute 
and thus help the Editorial Board of the Mahabharata to bring the 
national enterprise to successful completion at an early date. 

In conclusion, Dr. R N. Dandekar thanked all those who help- 
ed him to make tha Silver Jubilee Celebration the grand succ- 
ess that ife certainly was, He made a special reference to the 
ungrudging cooperation given to him by the Staff of the Institute 
as also to the wise and helpful counsel of his colleagues on the 
Silver Jubilee Committee, Drs, Belvalkar and Sukthankar. 

The young grand-daughter of Sir R, P. Paranjpye, one of 
the Vice-Presidents of the Institute, then gave a delightful 
programme of dance-numbers, which was greatly admired by the 
large gathering that was present on the occasion. This was 
followed by the exhibition of a film relating to the Himalayan 
Tour of the Eajasaheb of Aundh and party. Before exhibiting 
the film, the Eajasaheb spoke a few words about " The Wealth 
of the Himalayas/ 1 

In an atmosphere of great enthusiasm and gratification, the 
Silver Jubilee Celebration of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute thus came to a close an occasion which will, for a 
long time to come, remain as a pleasant memory for all those 
who participated in it 



SILVER JUBILEE ( 1917-1942 ) 

25 November 1941 
Dear Sir, 

The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute will be complet- 
ing the 25th year of Its services to Oriental learning on the 6th 
of July 1942. It is proposed to celebrate its Silver Jubilee in the 
course of the year 1942, In a manner befitting the honoured name 
of Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, in whose name the Insti- 
tute was founded on 6th July, 1917. 

The signal services rendered by the Institute in manifold ways 
to the cause of Oriental learning during the last twenty-five 
years are now too well-known to the world of Oriental Scholars 
to need mention. We may, however, recount here a few of them 
for your information in view of your interest in the resuscita- 
tion of our ancient heritage and culture. 

The work of the Institute on the epoch-making Critical 
Edition of the Mahabharata, carried on with unabated zeal and 
energy, for the last 22 years, stands in the front rank and acade- 
mic enterprises of the century, executed as it is by Indian 
Scholars with the help of national and international sympathy, 
recognition^ and support, When completed it will go down to 
posterity as a unique achievement of the Institute in the field of 
organised Oriental research. The credit of completing this 
gigantic literary project under the Editorship of Dr. V, S. 
Sakthankar must go as much to the Institute as to the several 
patrons of the scheme, including among others, the Imperial 
Government, the Provincial Governments, distinguished Rulers 
of Indian States and foreign institutions like the British 
Academy, etc. In this connection we must make a special men- 
tion of the princely donation of a lac of rupees made by the 
Rajasaheb of Aundh, but for whose magnanimous donation the 
Institute would never have commenced such onerous undertaking 


xviii Sbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

costing no less than ten lacs of rupees. The Rajasaheb with his 
indomitable love of learning has in fact all along stood by this 
sacred project, inaugurated at the hands of Sir B. G. Bhandarkar 
on 1st April, 1919. 

The second memorable activity of the Institute designed to 
give new impetus to Oriental Studies was the "First Oriental 
Conference organised by the Institute in 1919. The wisdom and 
foresight of the organisers of this scheme are borne out by the 
permanent form taken by this activity in the shape of ten 
successive sessions of this Conference, of which the eleventh will 
be held shortly at Hyderabad ( Deccan ). The generation of new 
scholars of Indology, now working in different Provinces of India 
owes not a little to this activity inaugurated by the Institute. 
The personal contact of scholars in the field of research brought 
about by the successive sessions of the Oriental Conference has 
been extremely serviceable in promoting exchange of ideas and 
particularly in preventing duplication of effort on the part of in- 
dividual scholars. 

The third activity of the Institute is the publication of the 
volumes in the " Government Oriental Series" including its 
research Journal, namely, the Annals, which is now running its 
twenty-second volume. In this Series no less than eighteen in- 
dependent works have been published by the Institute* Among 
these works, Prof. P. V. Kane's monumental ETistory of Dharma- 
Sastra in two volumes, and Prof. H. D. Velankar's Catalogus 
Catalogorum of Jain Manuscripts ( Jinaratnako&a ), now in the 
press, deserve special mention. Besides these works the Insti- 
tute has published aboufc twenty volumes by way of revision and 
reprint in the " Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit Series " since its 
transfer to the Institute in 1918. In addition to these two 
series the Institute has recently started its own series called the 
** Bhandarkar Oriental Series " in which two works have 
already been published. 

The fourth activity of the Institute is the successful 
administration of the Government Manuscript Library contain- 
ing about twenty-thousand manuscripts and the publication of 
the Descriptive Catalogue of these manuscripts, which is estimsted 
to cost more than a lac of rupees. The total number of volumes 
in this catalogue is estimated to comprise about forty volumes. 

Silver Jubilee 

out of which ten volumes have so far been published by the 
Institute, while press-copies of about twenty more volumes are 
ready for printing. The importance of sucii a descriptive cata- 
logue of one of the finest collections of manuscripts in India, 
like the Government Manuscripts Library, will be easily recog- 
nised by all Oriental research workers. 

Besides the Government Manuscripts Library the Institute 
has started the collection of manuscripts on its own account and 
this collection now comprises about 2000 manuscripts acquired 
by purchase and presentation* In addition to this manuscript 
collection, the Institute has built up steadily a library of rare 
printed books and journals on Indology numbering about 10,000 t 
of which the collection of Sir R, G. Bhandarkar bequeathed to 
the Institute forms the nucleus. 

Apart from these achievements in the field of research and 
publication, the Institute has been running its own Press in 
which the major portion of its printing work is being done for 
the last sixteen years. 

Among amenities provided by the Institute to scholars visit- 
ing the Institute from different parts of India and outside, we 
should not fail to record in this brief survey of the Institute's 
activities the construction of a Guest House for scholars made 
possible by the munificent donation from the Government of 
His Exalted Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad. 

The foregoing brief sketch of some of the outstanding achieve- 
ments of the Institute will acquaint you with the nature of the 
activities in which the Institute has been engaged for the last 
quarter of a century. The history of Oriental Learning reveals 
the fact that in ancient times all learning was patronized not 
only by kings and potentates, bankers and commercial magnates, 
but also by well-to-do persons in general. In modern times also 
this relation seems to have remained unaltered as all the 
activities of this Institute have been mainly supported by 
Governments and the well-to-do classes of society. It is with 
their help and sympathy that the Institute has made all its 
progress so far and it is only on the extension of this sympathy 
and support in future that the Institute can hope to continue its 
disinterested work for the promotion of Oriental Learning. 

x* Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

We take this opportunity, therefore, of approaching you with 
a request that you will be pleased to contribute your best 
towards the successful celebration of the Silver Jubilee of the 
Institute. The cost of celebrating this function is expected to be 
about Rs. 10,000/-, which would be utilized in the following 
manner ; 

( i ) The celebration of the Jubilee by inviting all members of 
the Institute and other scholars to attend the function 
with a view to taking part in the proceedings of the 
Jubilee and by giving free accommodation to all the 

(ii) Inviting delegates from learned bodies and representa- 
tives of Governments of Provinces and Rulers of Indian 
States to take part in the proceedings and giving free 
accommodation to the invited delegates. 

(iii) Arranging for a Special Conference of Orientalists 
present, in which symposia on some definite problems 
will be organised. 

( iv ) Publication of a special volume of Oriental Studies by 
different scholars to commemorate the Silver Jubilee 
of the Institute, 
(v) Meeting all incidental expenses in connection with the 

foregoing items. 

It is hoped that His Excellency Sir Roger Lumley, G.C.I.E., 
D.L., the Governor of Bombay, who is also the honoured President 
of the Institute, will be able to inaugurate the Silver Jubilee 
celebrations, which will be continued for about three days. A 
detailed programme of these celebrations will be sent to you 
later. In the meanwhile, we strongly hope that you will 
associate yourself with this memorable function in the history 
of this Institute by contributing liberally and also by giving us 
the pleasure of your company on this most auspicious occasion 
when many eminent scholars are likely to assemble at the 

N. G. Kelkar J. R. Gharpure R. N. Dandekar 

Chairman Chairman Hon. Secretary 

Regulating Council Executive Board 


4fch JANUARY 1943 

" We meet here today to celebrate the Jubilee of the '* Bhandar- 
kar Institute ". And the occasion presents, in my opinion, a 
happy coincidence of three great cultural factors viz. the Insti- 
tute, the Addressor of this evening, and the Chairman-elect 
About the cultural value of the Institute itself I need not say 
much. For the Orientalists, the world over, now recognise that 
it is a unique Institute of its kind in India, being devoted to 
research work, specially in the Mahabharata, carried on, on the 
most modern and scientific lines. And its organisers have a right 
to congratulate themselves, upon the steady continuous work they 
have put in, under somewhat arduous financial conditions, to 
vindicate and justify the great name of Dr. Bhandarkar, with 
which the Institute has been associated. That is cultural factor, 
number one. 

" Then as regards the great Pandit and scholar, who is going 
to give us the principal address in the Jubilee programme, I 
would say that he may be regarded as the most effective present 
day exponent of Indian Philosophy and Culture, not only in 
India, but even more so, abroad. The well-wishers of the 
Benaras Hindu University, myself among them, were sincerely 
gratified when they came to know, that Sir Radhakrishnan had 
consented to take into Ms hands the leading strings, of that 
great cultural idealistic University, founded and still inspired 
by my revered friend Pandit Malaviya, whoiu I always like to 
describe as the most typical Hindu in India. That is cultural 
factor number two. 

" And now I turn to the cultural setting of the Rajasaheb of Bhor 
whom we are going to request, to take the Presidential Chair, on 
the present occasion. The Rajasaheb is the prerent representa- 
tive of an old noble family, which has earned for itself an 
honourable place in the Maratiaa history. The founder of the 
family was a valiant soldier, a wise statesman and a trusted 

xx ii Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

councillor of the great Shivaji-Maharaj, He was one of the 
first eight Ministers, who formed the famous Council, called the 
ff, the formation of which, makes out the constructive 

genius of Shivaji, as a constitutional ruler. The 
were really the eight pillars, on whose strength the new and 
revived Hindvi Swarajya of Shivaji was established. Of course 
when I mention Hindvi Swarajya, I advert here only to its 
cultural aspect, as relevant to my present purpose. And I will 
ask you to imagine, what would have been the Cultural fate of 
Maharashtra, if that Hindvi Swarajya had not been successfully 
established ? " 






4th JANUARY 1943 

" The idea of starting an Oriental Research Institute in the name 
of Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar took a tangible shape 
at meeting held at the Anandashram, Poona, on Tuesday the 6th 
of July 1915, Dr. Bhandarkar's 78th birthday. The working 
committee elected at this meeting, lost no time in formulating 
a scheme for the proposed Institute and working out its details 
with the co-operation of all its collaborators and sympathisers. 
As a result of this co-operation the committee was able to 
organize the preparation of a commemoration volume to be 
presented to Sir Ramkrishna on the 6th of July 1917 at the hands 
of His Excellency Lord Willingdon, the then Governor of 
Bombay. The ceremony of the inauguration of the Institute 
was also combined with the above function* The function was 
an unqualified success. His Excellency Lord Willingdon 
graciously consented to be the First President of the Institute, 
as His Excellency was convinced about the nobility of the 
objects and ideals underlying this unique enterprise. In the 
words of His Excellency " the objects and ideals were such as to 
the most sympathetic attention and appreciation of 

Stiver Jubilee xxiii 

any Government and indeed, of any person, whether his position 
be public or private, to whom the highest interests of India, 
its venerable past and its brilliant future, are objects of deep and 
warm solicitude ". These words have proved prophetic in the 
history of the Institute in view of the continued sympathy and 
support of both the Government, and the public which the 
Institute has all along enjoyed during the last twenty-five 
years and which have furthered the objects and ideals with 
which the Institute started on its academic career* The General 
Body of the Institute has evinced its grateful appreciation of 
the continued Government sympathy and support to the Institute 
by the unanimous election of the Governors of this Presidency 
as its successive Presidents, during the last twenty-five years, 
His Excellency Sir Boger Lumley, being its present President. 
It would have been in the fitness of things that the Silver Jubilee 
of an institute inaugurated by a Governor of this Province in 
1917 should have been inaugurated by the present Governor. 
In fact it was the ardent desire of myself and my committee 
that His Excellency Sir Roger Lumley would be pleased to 
accept our invitation to preside on this auspicious function. 
We regret however, that owing to some unavoidable reasons 
His Excellency is unable to attend this function in person. We 
have however all his blessings and good wishes for the success- 
ful conduct of the Jubilee celebrations. 

** With the auspicious and enthusiastic start given to it by the 
Government and the public, the Institute was emboldened to 
initiate certain activities within a couple of years from its in- 
ception for furthering its aims and objects. These activities 

( 1 ) The preparation of a Critical Edition of the MahS- 
bh Srata, a work of epoch-making international impor- 
tance which has proved beyond challenge the capacity 
of Indian scholars to undertake gigantic literary pro- 
jects and execute them with the thoroughness of scien- 
tific method to the entire satisfaction of the world of 

( 2 ) The First Oriental Conference organized by the Institute 
in 1919 was then hailed with delight by all lovers of 

xxiv Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

oriental learning. This activity initiated by the 
Institute has now become a permanent feature of 
scholarly life in India as will be ssen from the sueees* 
sive ten conferences held at different places in India 
during the lart twenty-three years. 

( 3 ) The Research Journal of the Institute called the 
" Annals " was started by the Institute in 1920. The 
services of this journal to the cause of oriental research 
will be apparent by a mere glance at the learned con- 
tents of varied research matter enshrined within its 
twenty-three volumes including the special Jubilee 
Volume of 700 pages which is being published today. 

( 4 ) The Publication Department of the Institute has brought 
out with the help of Government Publication grant 
during the last twenty-five years no less than twenty 
volumes, out of which the encyclopaedic History of 
Dharmasastra by Mm. Prof. P. V. Kane and the Catalo- 
gus Catalogorum of Jain Manuscripts by Prof H. D. 
Velankar now nearing completion in the press are of 
outstanding significance. The Institute also manages 
the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit; Series and has recently 
started the B, O. Series. 

( 5 ) The Government Manuscripts Library of about 20,000 
rare and valuable manuscripts deposited at the Insti- 
tute by the Government of Bombay in 1918 and so effi- 
ciently managed by the Institute without the loss of a 
fiingle manuscript has proved a veritable source of 
attraction to research scholars all over the world. A 
Descriptive Catalogue of these manuscripts comprising 
about forty-five volumes is being prepared by the 
Institute and so far ten volumes of this catalogue have 
been published. Besides the Government Manuscripts 
Library the Institute possesses about 3,500 manuscripts 
of its own. 

(6) The collection of rare printed books and journals 
bequeathed to the Institute by Sir R. G. Bhandarkar 
formed a valuable nucleus for the Institute's library 

Stiver Jubilee 

of printed book** which now comprises no less than 
ten-thousand rare books and journals on Indology. 

( 7 ) The prei-s cf the Institute started in 1925, has rendered 
valuable service to the publication department of the 
Institute during the last seventeen years, as it has been 
able to prim off the major portion of Institute's print- 
ing work during this period, 

< 8 ) The Research Department of the Institute trains students 
in the methods of scientific research as well as for 
M. A. and Ph. D. degrees. The Institute organises 
Extension Lectures on Indological subjects every 

( 9 ) To add to this equipment so necessary for the progres- 
sive realization of the objects and ideals of the Insti- 
tute, the Institute now owns a Guest House for 
scholars called the Nizam's Guest-House through the 
munificence of the Government of His Exalted High- 
ness the Nizam of Hyderabad. 

** Ladies and Gentlemen, my purpose in acuainting you with 
some of the salient features of the Institute's progressive acti- 
vities during the last quarter of a century, is not merely that of 
a chronicler but that of an ardent and active well-wisher of the 
Institute who is as much interested in its brilliant past as in its 
future. Many of the sympathisers of the Institute to whose 
selfless zeal, devotion and labour the Institute owes so much, 
are now no more ; but their memory is still ever green in our 
minds reminding us of the duties that lie ahead of us for the 
furtherance of the objects and ideals of the Institute with a view 
to adding to its present glory and academic achievements in the 
years to come. I look forward to the younger generation of 
intellectuals in this country to take more interest in the activi- 
ties of the Institute and shape its future destiny in a manner 
worthy of the name of the Greatest Orientalist in whose honour 
it is founded* I need hardly add that the future of the Institute 
depends as much on scholarly effort as on its financial stability 
which is necessary for the successful completion of the present 
projects of the Institute and an increased expansion of its scope 


xxyi Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

and activities during the next twenty-five years. I feel confi- 
dent, however, that with public enthusiasm, patriotic effort and 
the sympathies and good-will of the sister institutions, representa- 
tives of some of which I now see before me, it may not he difficult 
for the future authorities of this Institute to lead it to new paths 
of glory and make it win fresh laurels in the fields of research 
still untrodden. " 



4th JANUARY 1943 

" Rajasaheb, Sir Radhakrishnan, Ladies and Gentlemen, 
His Excellency Sir Roger Lumley, the popular Governor of 
Bombay, was to preside over this function but on account of 
unavoidable circumstances, His Excellency could not come today. 
We all feel and feel so keenly the absence of His Excellency 
particularly on an occasion like this. 

" I now turn to the good and enduring work done by the 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute which has completed its 
twenty-five years of useful existence. Let me tell you thai 
already I had twice the good fortune of being associated with 
the ceremonial occasions relating to this Institution. It vividly 
recalls to my mind the day of July in 1919 when I unveiled the 
inspiring bust of the late revered Dr. Bhandarkar, Lord 
Willingdon who in later part of his life came to be regarded as 
an Ambassador of Empire, inaugurated as you know this cosmo- 
politan character Institute which aims at understanding and 
learning the real history of past. Then again in November 1919, 
I had the proud privilege to offer a hearty vote of thanks to the 
then Governor of Bombay His Excellency Sir George Lloyd who 
presided over the First Oriental Conference held under the 
auspices of this Institute. That Conference was the first of its 
kind in the educational history of India. And this is the third 
time that I am privileged to show my regard for this worthy 

Silver Jubilee xxvii 

" The British Academy-London- has appreciated the beneficent 
activities of this Body in the following terms: " The Academy 
has been impressed by the unanimity of many eminent scholars 
warmly approving the work of the Bhandarkar Oriental Eesearch 
Institute, as apparent in the published portions of its* edition, 
and trusts that all needful support may be accorded to the 
prosecution of so national a task," The stupendous work of editing 
the Critical edition of the Mahabharata is receiving the warm 
attention of the President of the Institute and latest report states 
that but for the personal solicitude of our worthy President, His 
Excellency Sir Roger Lumley, for the well-being and Progress 
of the MahSbharata work, it would hare been well nigh impossi- 
ble for the authorities of the Institute to improve the finances of 
the Mababharata Department especially during the War period. 
This amply bears testimony-if at all that be needed- to the keen 
interest taken by His Excellency in the good work of this temple 
of learning which has enabled good many devoted students to 
bear and carry the torch of Oriental Learning to the distant parts 
of this world, 

c< I am aware that you are all so eager to listen to the stimulat- 
ing and instructive address of the world famous Seer and Philo- 
sopher - I mean - Sir Radhakrishnan who ift a distinguished son 
of India, His contributions to the philosophic field are too well 
known to need repetition. 

** I once more thank the Institute for the honour done to me 
today and warmly hope and trust that the Institute will thrive 
from year to year and will get the public and Government 
support in an ever increasing measure to carry out its precious 
and useful activities. " 



* * 


[Dr. Kunhan Raja of the University of Madras delivered a lecture on 
Tuesday 5th January 1943, the second day of the Silver Jubilee Celebration 
of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, at 9 A.M. Sir S, Hadha- 
krishnan presided on the occasion, The following is a summary af the 
lecture. K. N. D. J 

India has already passed through two epochs in the long 
history of her unbroken civilization, which must be counted in 
milleniums ; we are now on the threshold of the third epoch. 
The first epoch is what is called the Vedic age. The beginning 
of this age is computed to be about fifteen hundred B. C. by 
some and fifteen thousand B. C, by others. All that we can say 
Js that it was a long period. When during this age the civili- 
zation was a burning force, India was politically free. A few 
centuries prior to the Christian Era, there began to appear signs 
of a breakdown m this civilization. The people and even the 
leaders of public opinion began to lose confidence in the efficacy 
of the old order and were harbouring hopes of starting a civili- 
sation afresh completely breaking away from the past. Simul- 
taneous with this decline in Indian civlization India's poli- 
tical independence also suffered a set-back, The Greek invasion 
of India at this period is very well known. 

The movement for substituting the Vedic civilization by a 
new civilization was arrested by a stronger movement for the 
regeneration of the Vedic civilization and its adaptation to the 
needs of the altered times. This revived civilization may be 
called the Puranic civilization, I prefer to call it the Maha- 
bharata oivlization, in so far as all the Puranas and the entire 
literature representing this civilization have drawn their inspira- 
tion from the Mahabharata. If I am asked to suggest one name 
to comprehensively designate this civilization, I can give only 
one name and that is Veda Vyasa. He preached the greatness 
of the Vedic age ; he narrated the exploits of the great kings of 

Jubilee racix 

the Vedic age ; he taught the nation that the essentials of the 
Vedlc civilisation were enough to nourish tho nation in their 
eilvilijs*H life, The essence of the Vedic civiliEatian was the 
harmony between gods and men* between heaven and earth and 
between matter and spirit. The fundamental doctrine of the 
new civilization that was started to replace the Vedic civiliza- 
tion was the anteihesis between the material cravings of man the 
Etee*1 of his spiritual aspirations. The consequent other-wordly 
and even anti-worldly outlook on life produced a degenartion in 
the people and this decline resulted in the possibility of foreign 
invasions. Veda Vyasa's call to the nation for the revival of the 
Vedic civilization commanded a universal ressponse and the 
nation could prolong their civilized life through another very 
Ion*? epoch. Sri Krsna the dominating personality of the Maha- 
bharata of Veda Vyasa represented the true spirit of this revived 
civilization. He helped and guided the Panda vas in their fight 
to regain their hereditary throne. The Pandava^ were described 
as coming of a long line of noble kings who had discharged 
their duty to the world as kings. The material propserity of the 
country is not the only concern of kings, If it were so, Suyo- 
dhana was as good a king as, perhaps even a better king than, 
Yudhisthira. But respect for Dharma and tradition is even a 
more important virtue in a king and Suyodbana did not have 
this virtue, while Yudhisthira stood for Dharma and tradition. 
4i Live and fight for your rights ; follow tradition, " This is the 
motto of Mahabharafca. DraupadI, the consort of the Pandavas 
was the visible representation of India's nationhood. Tha use of 
arms to protect har honour was the Dharma of the Panda va king. 
Bharavi, the poet, in his great epic, namely the KirStarjunlya, 
extolled war in the defence of the freedom and the honour of the 
country, through the words of DraupadI and Bhlnia j he conde- 
mned the policy of forbearance with country's enemy advocated 
by Yudhisthira, by bringing Vyasa on the scene at that stage to 
give the counsel of gaining power and usin^ it in defending 1 the 
nation's rights and honour. 

Similarly Ealidasa sang about the great kings of old. In the 
Raghuvamsa there is no mention of the luxury of the palace or of 
military pomp in the whole description of Dillpa ; nor, in such 

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

royal pomp held out as the prospective advantage in the union 
with any of the kings who had assembled for the Svayarhvara 
of Indumatl. Immediately after the description of Dillpa, he is 
taken oufc of the palace to the forest to see the world ; there he 
has k* learn from the ordinary peasants the names of the common 
trees. What"Kalidasa wanted to emphasise is that the greatness of 
a king does not depend upon fche paraphernalia usually associ- 
ated with royalty. It is his relation with the world and the 
people in the world and his ability to discharge his responsibili- 
ties to the world that determine his greatness. A king has first 
to be great as a man if he is to be counted a great king. Kalidasa 
sings of the beauty of the world. He describes the kings of the 
world as superior to the king of heaven. This world is a happier 
place according to Kalidasa than heaven. The lord of the heaven 
depends on the kings of the earth in his wars with his foes. The 
damsels of heaven fall in love with the kings of earth. All these 
things have a great significance in inspiring a declining nation 
with their sense of duty to life and to the world where they 
have to live 

All the poets drew their inspiration from the Mahabharata 
of Veda VySsa. He is the acknolwdged leader in this second 
epoch, marked out by the movement of Vedic revival and the 
Mahabharata is the greatest gift fco posterity of that nation wide 
movement. As a result of that movement, the nation was restored 
to her ancient glory that reigned during the Vedic age. During 
this second epoch, there were occasional conquests of parts of 
India by foreigners like the Cythians and the Huns. But all 
these hords of foreign adventurers were like fire-flies approa- 
ching a burning fire to eat the flames 5 they were consumed by 
the fire. All the foreigners got merged in the Indian nation. So 
long as the civilization was burning, no foreign matter could 
defile the life of the nation. 

The civilization of this second epoch is also on the point of 
decline at the present time. If we missed the chance to live and 
work for India during the days of Veda Vyasa's personal leader- 
ship, the next best opportunity to live in India is the present age 
when we are again starting a new epoch. Just as the call of 
Veda Vyajsa was to keep the torch of Vedic civilization burning, 
call to modern India should be to keep the civilization of 

Jubilee xxxi 

the Mahabharata plowing. The glory of the past as recorded in 
the Hahabharata should be an inspiration to us ia our fi&hfc to 
restore the greatness and honour of our ancient country. If 
we can keep the torch burning, the path to our future glory 
remains well illuminated. When the fire bagius to burn every 
foreign matter will g&k consumed into this fire, Ail the problems 
of modern India in her present day period of decadence will have 
a natural solution, India will have another epoch of great 
glory and will play her noble part in man's affairs in the world 

as a worthy partner. 

It cannot be a mere accident that the Bhandarkpr Oriental 

Rasearch Institute has taken up the gigantic task of bringing 
out a critical edition of the Mahabharata at this time ; nor can 
it be an accident that the task has been entrusted to this Institute 
instead of to a European one, providence has a plan. Tbis stu- 
pendous task should not be a mere intellectual curiosity for the 
editors or to the orientalists. Its appeal must be to the whole 
nation, who must be thrilled into a new state of activity under 
its influence. This Institute must be the Naimisaranya of the 
present age for the inauguration of the third epoch in the history 
of India with the Message of the Mahabharata. 



5th JANUARY, 1943 




It is well-known that the Mahabharata is an itihtlaa, bavt/a, 
and(d/iarwa-, artfia^ kama~, and moksa-) astra, rolled into one. 
The daSasuhiwrt sathhita, indeed, is hardly one poetic production 

* Only brief synopses of the lectures of those scholars who initiated the 
discussion of the topics are given here. These were followed by remarks 
made by seyeral other aoholara present on the occasion. B. Jbf. D. 

xxxii Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

but rather a whole literature 1 Strangely enough, in a sense, this 
is just as it should be ! If an Epic is to continue to be -a vital 
force in the life of any progiessive people, it must be a slow- 
changing book. 

It is a perfectly legitimate expectation then, that we sbould 
find a vast amount of pre-epical literature, absorbed in the 
Mahabharata^ by way of actual citations, allusions, summaries, 
amplifications^ adaptations, imitations or parodies of relevant pessages 
or chapters in that literature. Invaluable work in the matter of 
tracing these allusions etc. to their sources has been done by 
Holtzmann, * Hopkins 2 and others. Much remains to be done, 
however, especially with regard to Vedic literature. The problem, 
besides, assumes a new significance in view of the work of 
preparing a critical edition of the Mahabharata that is going 
on at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, the 
material collected and the manuscripts collated there. What 
formerly, with only one edition before us, looked like a remote 
resemblance, a faint echo, a mere summary or at best an 
adaptation, may turn out now, in the light of the entire manus- 
cript evidence, to be either an attempt at citation not materializ- 
ing through failure of memory or lack of care 9 or a deliberate 
modification - an uha of a Vedic passage. A thorough-going 
attempt to trace all possible citations, adaptations etc.> of passages in 
earlier Vedic and post- Vedic literature in a parvan may be of great 
help to the critical editor of that parvan 9 if not in selecting the best 
reading of a Mahabharata passage, for which manuscript evidence 
must be his principal guide, at least in making his notes on the 
nature of his manuscript material. 

In judging of the tendencies at work responsible for the 
differentiae in the various manuscripts in their particular 
space-time context, the Critical Editor may, as well, take note of 
the levelling influence which tends to obliterate these differentiae, 
represented by the fact that some manuscripts give or try to give 
a version identical with the source-passage in its original form. s 
It is my suggestion to the Mahabharata Editorial Board of 

1 Das Mahabharata and seine Teile, in four volumes, Kiel 1892-95. 

The Great Epic of India. 

3 For specific instances of this type, see my paper * Bgveda Citations in 
th MahSbharata, in the Festschrift Kane, Volume, ( 1941 ), 26-38. 

Silver Jubilee rsxiii 

the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, that they should 
Institute a special department to make the * thorough-going 
attempt ; described above. The problem may be tackled In two 
ways : ( 1 ) Each important text in pre-epical ( chiefly Vedic ) 
literature beginning with the Bgveda 1 may be taken up, one by 
one, and citations etc. therefrom may be traced in all the parvans 
of the Epic, with the aid of the critical material in the published 
ones and of the manuscript collations in the unpublished ones ; 
( 2 ) secondly all possible citations, etc. from all important pre- 
epical texts may be traced in one particular parvan of the epic. 
The results of such an investigation may then be placed before 
the Critical Editors of the different parvans and I have no doubt 
that such a procedure will enhance the value of the Critical 
Edition of the Mahabharata, to an appreciable extent. 



Next, Prof. P. V. Bapat M.A., Ph.D. of Fergusson College, 
Poona, initiated the discussion on Buddhist studies. He stressed 
the need of making available, to Indian readers, Devanagarl 
editions of Pali works an activity which, by the bye, has been 
already undertaken by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Insti- 
tute, by publishing critical editions of three Pali books in the 
newly-started Bhandarkar Oriental Series which would go a 
long way in popularising the study of Pali. Pali books, he 
pointed out, are with an increasing concensus of opinion, being 
accepted as the earliest available record on Buddhism and as 
such, no student of Buddhism can afford to neglect that branch 
of studies. He also made it clear that for the thoroughness 
of studies in that line, it is being more and more recognised 
that the study of Pali and Sanskrit books needs to be supple- 
mented by a comparative study of Tibetan and Chinese sources. 

1 For an illustration of this method of approach, as limited to the 
Bgveda, *ee my paper described in the preceding foot-note. 

xxxiv Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Thanks to the University of Bombay and to the munificence of 
the Government of Chiang Kai Shek in China that complete &ets 
of Chinese Tripitaka published respectively in Japan and China 
are now available to Buddhist scholars in Bombay Presidency. 
The Chinese set has been a free gift to the Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute, Poona. All the same, scholars find themselves 
still handi-capped, on account of the absence of a complete edi- 
tion of Tibetan Tripitaka, popularly known as Kanjur and Tanjur. 
He informed the audience that an attempt in that direction by 
the Library authorities of the University of Bombay has nofc yet 
been crowned with success and so the scholars have still to seek 
the help of Tibetan libraries at Adyar ( Madras ), Shantiniketan, 
Calcutta, or even, Washington ( U. S. A.). 

Mr. K. A. Padhye, Secretary, Buddhist Society, Bombay, 
followed. He also emphasised the importance of Chinese studies, 
reminding the audience that the Buddhist learning was ori- 
ginally Indian that it was taken from India by the scholar-travel- 
lers like Fa-Men, Yuan-chwang and I-tsing and that it, there- 
fore, behoves Indian scholars to bring it back to India. 




Various theories have been postulated in regard to the 
immigration of the different races in India. It is said that the 
Negritoes, the Austro- Asiatic or the southern race, the Dravidians 
and the Aryans must have in succession entered into India. All 
these theories assume for the time being that India was uninhabi- 
table since the beginning of the world. 

The recent discoveries made at Mohenjo Daro, Harappa and 
other sites have really changed the outlook of scholarship. 
Uptill-now it was generally supposed that all the pro-Aryan 
inhabitants of India were black and of ugly features. But the 
beautiful and attractive representations and figurines of gods, 
goddesses and others obtaining on the above sites show exactly 
the opposite of these notions. 

Siher Jubilee xxxv 

The Bravidlans, who are also designated as Vr&tyas In later 
literature, mainly consisted of the following tribes e.g. the 
M&hlsikas, the Balhlkas, the Gandharas, the Yaksas, the Mlnas 
or Matsyas, the Klkatas, the Colas, the Keralas, the Pandyas 
and others. 

In our opinion, all the above-mentioned theories in regard to 
the immigration of the various races, shall have to be revised. 
All that is said about the Mohenjo Daro civilization and about 
the megalithic tombs discovered in Southern India, should 
reveal to us one fact, namely, that, at one time, the Dravidians 
must have spread themselves in the whole of India. At the same 
time, there is very little evidence to postulate that any other 
race could have subsisted and pervaded in India on such a large 
scale. The question of a provisional immigration of some of the 
negroid races at a later date, is evidently possible. 

In view of the new discoveres in India, all the attempts 
towards showing a separate home ( other than Indian ) for these 
Dr&vidians must prove rather unconvincing. The most eminent 
Savant Father Heras has successfully shown the various stages 
in which the culture of the proto-Dravidians could have migrat- 
ed from India Into the Western world. 

The whole of the existing data proves beyond doubt that the 
home of the Dravidians must have been India itself. And on 
account of the two climatic zones into which India oan naturally 
be divided, it is just possible that the same race could have been 
both black and white. Even the northerners were called as 
black by the Aryans because they must have been comparatively 
less fair than the Aryans themselves* 

In the light of the above suggestions, it is worth while study- 
ing these two problems 

( 1 ) * When did India actually become habitable ? J 

( 2 ) ' What was the colour of the first race, whether wliite or 
black ? ' 

xxx vi Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 



That the astronomical element embodied in the Vedio litera- 
ture demands a close and comparative study is evident from the 
controversy of the Vedic Antiquity as it is being subjected to 
conclusions as poles asunder. The problem of ascertaining the 
date of Karkacarya a commentator on the Sulbasutra of 
Katyayana, is a typical illustration of such an astounding 

A passage from him about the occurrence of an equinoctial 
day 1 is interpreted in three different ways arriving at dates rang* 
ing from 13000 B. C. to 100 A. D. 

In the first version the sun is taken to rise heliacally on the 
vernal equinoz day between Citra ( Spica ) and Svati ( Arcturus ) 
and his date is said to be somewhere about 13000 B. C. a Being 
doubtful about the accuracy of the passage or that of the argu 
ment, guidance was requested from Dr. K. L. Daptari of Nagpur. 
He kindly pointed out his own interpretation as well as another 
by Mr. Apte* 

He opines that some error has crept into the passage, however 
it indicates that the point in the middle of the line joining^ the 
two constellations was rising in the due east. 2 This brings 
Karkacarya some where about 1200 B. C. The third version 
accepts the heliacal rising of the sun between Citra and Svati 
but the meaning of Udagayana is supposed to be * in the same 
ayana 7 as against its usual technical sense and thus the day of 
equinox is taken to be of Autumn. This brings the commentator 
nearer by a thousand years i. e. about 200 A. D. 4 

2 ( 1 ) Chalet's Veda Kala Nirnaya ( in Hindi ) p. 32. 

( 2 ) Chapekar Lokashikshana ( Marathi monthly ) Vol. 8 Nos 5, 6 

p. 427. 
8 Maharashtra ( A Marathi biweekly of Nagpur ) date 3 July 1932. 

Ibid ( the review of Chulet's Veda Kala tfunaya by the late Mr. G. S. 

Silvtr Jubilee xxxvii 

I am giving here one more Interpretation based on an astrono- 
mical tradition that has remained unnoticed up to now. It was 
the evening and not morning that was used to express the equino- 
ctial time. 1 Therefore the point between CifcrS and Sv&fci should 
be taken to signify the acronychal rising of the same on the day 
of the vernal equinox. And in this way the antiquity of 
Karkcarya does not go beyond the first century A. D. 




* At the outset Dr. Sankaiia told how the Gujarat Prehistoric 
Expedition was organised by Rao Bahadur K. N. Dikshit, 
Director General of Archaeology in India. The aim of the 
Expedition was firstly to search systematically for the remains 
of palaeolithic and miorolithic cultures in Gujarat, a few clues 
of which were given by Robert Bruce Foote in the last contury \ 
secondly to inquire about the supposed hiatus between these two 
cultures as postulated by Foote. The Expedition worked for over 
two months in the valleys of the Sabarmati and other rivers and 
collected much material for unravelling Gujarat's prehistory. 
The material Is being studied now in the Decoan College Post- 
graduate and Research Institute, Poona, and a report on it will 
be published in a year or two. ' 

U 290 


xxxviii Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 




1. Introduction- Phonetics and Phonematics. 

2. The conception of Phonemes and their Variants. 

3. The behaviour of the phoneme Aytam in old Tamil. 

4. The study of its property leads to the formulation of the 

* cut ? conception through the application of Dedekind's 
postulate and its designation as the oc-phoneme. 

5. The <x-phoneme in other languages (both related and un- 
related. ) 

6. The advantages of tlis definition are numerous. 

7. Conclusion. This definition leads to the examination of the 

ultimate nature of the vowels and consonants in human 

8. References. 

1. Introduction-Phonetics and Phonematics. 

Phonetics, as you all know, is a science which deals with 
speech sounds. It deals with the biophysical aspect of human 
speech. Its specialised branch is Experimental or Laboratory 
phonetics. In this study, linguistics and acousbics ( a branch of 
physics) have the common meeting ground. Naturally the 
formulation of phonetic laws in the true sense of the term, are 
bound to be mathematical. 

Now Phonematics (1. 49 ) is the abstract science which deals 
with the abstractions called the phonemes, the fundamental 
units of speech. These abstractions are nothing but the logical 
classes of what we in ordinary parlance call Speech-sounds, 

2. The conception of Phonemes and their Variants. 

Any phoneme is a class of a particular speech-sound ( 2 ). A 
class is the aggregate of all the entities which possess a certain 
property. Although the speech of a robust young man differs 
from that of a feeble old woman, we recognise for instance the 
same word pin when uttered by both the individuals. It is 
because in the spoken word pin, we recognise three classes p> i 

Silver Jubilee xxxix 

and n* An titter&nc&~&vent is said to occur in space and time, 
each time when the word pin is consciously uttered by any 
member of the spgfech community, in our particular instance the 
English. Each such utteranceevent consists of one member of 
the class p, one of the class t and one of the class n. 

The utterance-event pin can be contrasted with the utterance- 
events tin kin, tnn ; pan, pun ; pill, till, kill, will and thus we can 
abstract the classes of p, t and n. Thus we can easily get the 
classes of all the speech-sounds in any particular language. 
Each such class is a phoneme. Thus a phoneme is different from 
a speech-sound. The speech-sounds are shots aimed at the norm 
which is the phoneme- the bull's eye of the target. I am talking 
of the actual articulation here of say p 9 i or n in the stream of 
speech by the speakers of the language, when I talk of the 
speech-sounds. They, distributed about the norm of the phoneme, 
give significance to it, while the norm of the phoneme gives 
meaning to the speech-sounds which approximate it. 

A. phoneme is the smallest unit of distinctive significance. It is 
an atom-analogue in speech just as the morpheme ( the smallest 
meaningful unit in speech) is the molecule-analogue. Every 
morpheme consists of one or more minimum distinctive vocal 
features called the phonemes. The classes of speech-sounds are 
certainly finite. 

The range of every speech-sound is within a particular field 
in which there are infinite variations ; if a speech-sound tends to 
the hmit of the field which is legitimately its domain, it tends to 
jump into another field ( phoneme ) the domain of yet another 
infinite variations. Now within each field, there are sub-fields. 
Each such sub-field is called a variant of the particular phoneme. 
Some-time, the variant character of a phoneme is determined by 
the neighbouring phonemes. In such cases, we speak of the 
combinatvry or positional variants- ( 4. 392; 5.54 ). 

3. The behaviour of the phoneme JLylam in old Tamil* 

The phoneme JLytam occurs in certain speech forms in old 
Tamil ( 3. 348-9 ). The necessary and sufficient conditions for 
the occurrence of this phoneme are the preceding vowel and the 
following consonant in each of the instances ( 3. 348 ). By logical 

XL Shandarkat Oriental Research Institute 


deductions and other assumptions to which we are led on by 
the investigations on the occurrence of the phoneme ( 3. 348 ) 
( for instance, the Aytam in a* <*tu is assumed to be identical with 
the Ayiam in t ofw), we arrive at the conclusion that this 
phoneme had only six variants as determined by fc, c, t 9 t t p, and 
r respectively. 

4. The study of the property of the Aylam leads to the formu- 
lation of the * cut ' conception through tiie application of Dede- 
kind's postulate and the consequent designation of the Aytam 
as the x-phoneme. 

Now the vowel-class can be designated as the L class, and 
the consonant class as the R class. Any member of the vowel 
class IB less than any member of the consonant class on Rousselt's 
theory of accent which assigns the cause to the organs of 
breath ( 6 ) 

Therefore the JLytam is clearly seen to * cut 9 the two classes 
in all the speech-forms under discussion, in the familiar manner 
of Dedekind's postulate ( 3. 345 ). Hence the designation of 
the JLytam as the * -phoneme and its variants as the od, o<2, x3, *4. 

5 and <x6. 


5. The o< -phoneme in other languages ( both related and 
unrelated ). 

We meet with the JLytarn correspondent not only in certain 
uncultivated Dravidian dialects like Gondl ( 3. 349 ) but also in 
an Indo-European dialect - the Icelandic ( 4. 393 ) and probably 
also in some Kashmiri dialects ( 6 ). 

6. The advantages of the definition of the * -phoneme are 

The formulation of the conception of the * -phoneme as a 
segment between two successive change-points (5. 54 ) make us 
feel that Verner's law and the allied problems ought to be 
reaxamined ( 4. 394 ). It has other advantages too. It will make 
us understand the problems of the allophones of the visarga and 
the Kannada ^ ( 5. 56 ). It thus presents many a problem to the 
experimental phonetician. 

7. Conclusion - The definition of the -phoneme leads to the 
examination of the ultimate nature of the vowels and the con- 
sonants in human speech. 

Silver Jubilee xtt 

The formulation of the * cut ' conception brings to the fore- 
front; the Important conception that speech does not consist of 
blocks of constant sounds but of a continuous sound that changes 
more or less gradually from beginning to end and to the need of 
the specification of the structure of the speech-sounds in greater 
quantitative detail (5. 55-6, 6 ) 

8. References. 

( 1 ) Louis Hjelmslev, On the principles of phonematics 

Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Phonetic 

Sciences 49-54, Cambridge 1936. 

{ ) V. Br<ndal. Sound and Phoneme. Proceedings of th6 
Second International Oongrees of Phonetic Sciences 40-45. 

( 3 ) C. R. Sankaran t The Phonemic Variants of the] JLytam in 
Old Tamil, BDORI 2. 343-50. 

( 4 ) C. R. Sankaran, The positional variants ~of the phoneme 
Jfytam in old Tamil, BDCRI, 3, 392-4. 

( 5 ) C. R. Sankaran, On the sub-Class of * -phoneme, 

BDCRI, 4. 54-6. 

( 6 ) C. R. Sankaran, On the * -phoneme, BDCRI, 4. 124-6. 




Maharfistra is the name of a part of Bharatavarsa which it 
received after the Aryan-settlers joined together to form one 
society, creating a common civilization and culture and using 
one language and the same mode of living to build tip brother- 
hood amongst themselves. My object of the talk of this day is 
to place before the Pandits assembled here, my thoughts as I am 
able to form about the commencement of the colonization which 
ig called MaharSstra with the help of sn&?f grammars. 

The oldest of the srt^Ef grammars is that of ^C 5 $T%. It treats 
of four HTT^ct languages. The noticeable feature of the name of 



Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

these languages is that they are derived from the names 
given to such colonies of Aryans which they created after they 
crossed nrg ^ and entered WTcW^. The srr^ff languages 
described by srT^r% are ^rer, 3TK*T?ft, *mrCr and Wffm^h ^rpsfr 
was prevalent in iferra^r i.e. the Punjab, ^TTT^rfr in 3E*%5f^r Le. 
country round about JT^T, mrft in JT*TO i.e. Bihar and *f rofr in 
iTfKre. It can be surmised from the above that these were the 
four colonies which shaped into separate entities of societies 
with different cultures, modes and manners of living, with their 
new names for themselves and for the regions they lived in and 
lastly having their own distinctive styles of languages names of 
which are referred to by 3Tef^. 

We have now to find out where from the colonization of 
TTfKTS? took place. We can imagine that these colonizations 
expanded firstly by the sides of the rivers of the Punjab, 
subsequently by the banks of *f*rr and qnw in U. P. and therefore 
eastward by sides of *f*rr in Bihar. We need not trouble over the 
details of these colonies. But we have to enter into details of 
the colonization of *T r*rt being the subject matter of this talk. 

Following the theory of river-side-colonization we find that 
the Aryans after having settled by the sides of sn^rr to create 
3n=nT%5T colony, must have proceeded eastward by the same 
river. And after they crossed Agra they came across a new 
river ^uu^tfi the present day =eMo6T which merged into srSRT. It 
was but natural that some of the Aryans might have proceeded 
eastward by the side of Tg^r and the rest might have taken 
route by ^jJiHtTr which has sprung up in the southern Malva 
travelled eastern Rajaputana and joined 5rg?rT. These Aryans 
who made choice of taking the course of ^tr^cfr had to wade 
through, the deserts of Bajaputana till they reached the fertile 
land of of marar following the %srr a tributory of ^Ttr^cft and 
settled down the country round about ^^rfq'ifT or 3*%cft. Here, it 
seems* they must have settled for a long time to form a new society 
creating every feature of it for themselves, a new name *fi|TO5 
for the land and a new name for the language they brought into 
being for their use i.e. Wf TOtfh 

In support of the above statement I quote here a line from 
a grammar compiled by HT^ri^T which runs as 

Silver Jnlnlte xtiii 

\ It seems from this line that 

there was a dialect current in 3**rcfr by the name 3n3?fr being a 
mixture of erg rrofr and sftwfh We therefore can safely take the 
colonization of *T$m to have commenced near about 



Sanskrit and Ancient Indian Civilisation were taught in 
Poland in three most important Universities, The fact that the 
study of Sanscritology was represented in Poland in three 
Universities means that there were only a few students at each 
centre. The study of Indology involved a course of five years. 
The study was limited to philology, exact sciences and Ancient 
Indian Literature. Unfortunately very little classical Sanskrit 
literature has been translated into Polish. A few Polish manuals 
on Indoiogy also exist in Poland. 

In Lwow the very proper method of consultations between 
students and professors was introduced. The new students came 
to the professors who asked them why they wanted to study 
Indology. The replies varied. From these replies a plan of 
lectures was laid down for each student, 

Tke Universities in which Indology was taught were Lwow, 
Cracow and Warsaw. Prof. Si. Stasiak of the Lwow University 
is a great scholar in Logic. Prof, H. Willman Qrabowska of 
the Cracow University is interested in Sanskrit Philology* 
Prof. St. Schayer of the Warsaw University has devoted himself 
to the study of the Ancient Indian Philosophy. 

A few years before the outbreak of the war the Sanskrit 
grammar in Polish by the late Prof. A. Gawronski, a great 
Polish scholar in Indology, appeared* The editors of this 
grammar were Prof. H. Willman Grabowska and Asst, Prof. 
E. Sluszkiewicjfi, pupil of Prof. A. Gawronski. Although this 
grammar has been known only a few years and although it was 
published in Polish it enjoys a well merited reputation among 
the savants so much that before the outbreak of the war fch$re 

Bhandnrkar Oriental Research Institute 

was a proposal to translate it into several Western European 

It is well known that the Polish Universities have been closed 
by the German Authorities. As long as the University of Lwow 
was under Russian occupation Prof. St. Stasiak with whom I 
worked upto March 1940 was Director of the Faculty of 
Oriental Languages of the Lwow University. In 1941 Lwow 
was occupied by the Germans and many Polish Professors were 
shob, many deported and sent to concentration-camps. The fate 
of Prof. Stasiak and of the Asst. Prof. E. Sluszkiewicz is unknown. 
The University of Cracow was closed by the Germans in 
November 1939. A great many professors were sent to concentra- 
tion-camps in Germany* According to unofficial news Prof, 
H. Willman Grabowska, as a woman, was not included in the 
list. Unfortunately in 1942 Prof. St. Schayer died in Warsaw. 
He was a great scholar in Indology and Ancient Indian Philo- 
sophy. This loss is for tie Polish Science all the more sorrowful 
as there are in Poland only a few scholars in Indology, 



[ Below we publish the statement read, on 5th January 1943, by Dr, V. 8. 
8ukthankar, on the occasion of the presentation of th'e Arariyakaparvan of 
the Critical Edition of the Mahabharafca to Shrimant Kajasaheb of Aimdh 
and the publication of a fascicule of the Sabhaparvan in oonneotion with the 
Silver Jubilee Celebration of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. 

R. K. D. ] 

It is now more than seventeen years since I took over charge 
of the Mahabharata work and reorganized, on somewhat different 
lines, this Department of the Institute, having profited by the 
experiences and experiments of my predecessor, the late lamented 
Mr. Utgikar. During this interval the Institute has published 
Critical Editions of four complete Books of the Mahabharata : 
Adiparvan ( 1933 ), Virataparvan ( 1936 ), the Udyogaparvan 
j( 1940 ), and now the Sranyakaparvan . ( 1943 ). These foijr 

Stiver / ubilee XLV 

parvans comprise, according to the Parvasamgrahaparvan, about 
28,400 filokas. In addition to this a fascicule of the Sabhaparvan 
edited by Prof. Franklin Edgerton of Yale University <TL S. A.), 
which has been ready for some time and which could be taken 
up for printing only owing to the very generous special grant of 
Bs. 10,000 recently made by the Government of Bombay, is being 
published today. Furthermore, the press-copy of the Bhlsma- 
parvan, which is being edited by Eao Bahadur Dr. S. TSL Belval- 
kar, is almost ready and is now undergoing final revision at the 
hands of its editor, tt will be ready for being sent to the press 
very shortly. In fact the work is advanced as far that it can be 
got ready for the press within three months. But can we send 
ifc to the press ? ISTofc unless we can find a generous donor pre- 
pared to pay for the cost of the printing of the new volume, in 
these days when the cost of printing has almost doubled. The 
present financial situation of the Department is such that we 
can just manage to get the press-copies ready ; but the large 
world of scholars outside the wails of this Institute, eagerly await- 
ing the appearance of our now-famous yellow-covered fascicules, 
must unfortunately be kept waiting until more funds are available. 

Any way, during the past 17 years the Institute has critically 
dealt with the first 6 parvans of the Great Epic : the Adi, Sabhfc, 
Aranyaka, Virata, Udyoga and Bhlsma* The six parvans make 
up a total of about 36,800 slokas, out of an aggregate of 82,150 
&lokas, a portion which is approximately 45% of the entire MahS- 
bhSrata, excluding, of course, the Harivam&a, which I have kept 
out of my calculation in order not to frighten you too much. 
Even this is no mean achievement, I think. The part of the epic 
critically dealt with so far is, I imagine, in bulk about four 
times as great as the Greek epics, Iliad and Odyssey put together 
and one and a half times as our Ramayana. 

That a work of this nature and these dimensions is not one 
man's job is very very evident. Many friends, collaborators, 
sympathisers and patrons have contributed to such measure of 
success as has been achieved so far, and they include among 
them princes and potentates, curators and librarians, printers 
and parvan-editors, not to speak of the General Editor and his 
fliodest staff of collators in the background. Surely, the most 

Ehandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

potent among these multifarious contributory factors have been 
our generous patrons, who, out of regard for thisrenerable monu- 
ment of Indian antiquity, this great and lustrous heritage of 
Bharatavarsa, have in the past liberally supplied the Institute* 
through all these years, with funds to carry on this costly but 
vital work. 

Ladies and Gentlemen, I must tell you frankly this is a costly 
work. All good work costs money now-a-days 1 Good raanu* 
scripts cost money. Good printing costs money. Good editors 
cost money. 

The British nation once paid out one million pounds for one 
rare Ms. of the Bible. Would India pay a similar amount for 
any book ? Why not ? Are the British people greater lovers of 
books, greater lovers of literature, greatar lovers of religion, 
greter lovers of knowledge than we Indians ? Certainly not Great 
Britain is a small nation, a young nation, compared to India, 
And our love of knowledge, love of literature, love of scriptures, 
is greater. We are the inheritors of the great book, this "book of 
books " composed at a time when Great Britain was not yet 
entered on the map of civilized nations. And the entire cost of 
making this Critical Edition of the Mahabharata is only one 
million rupees- and not pounds - which is only 15% of the cost 
of the Bible. We have collected and spent already 5 lakhs of 
rupees. We want now only 5 lakhs more. And we are not pessi- 
mistic about it. We have no reason to be that. When the war 
clouds have passed away, better days will surely dawn for us; 
then the thoughts of men will again turn to the preservation 
and growth of cultural values. We shall then, I am confident, 
enjoy the same generous support from patrons of learning as we 
have hitherto enjoyed and that will help us to carry to comple- 
tion one of the most important of our national projects. 
If you want me to point out to you just one man who is 
^responsible for originating and furthering the project, he is sitting 
in front of you, I mean, Shrimant Balasaheb Pant Pratinidhi, the 
Kaja of Aundh. 

The question may occur to you. Is it worth all this expendi- 
ture ? Whether we realize it or not, we still stand under the 
spell of the Mahabharata Amid the deepest strands that are 

Silver Jnlnke xivii 

woven in the thread oi our civilization, there is more than one 
that is drawn originally from Bharafcavarsa and from Sanskrit 
literature. And well in the centre of this vist mass of literature, 
there stands this deathless, traditional hook of divine inspiration, 
unapproachable and far removed from possibilities of human 

There is a danger that in our pseudo-scientific mood, we may 
be tempted to discard this great book, thinking that we have out- 
grown it. That would be a capital blunder ! That would in fad 
mean nothing but an indication of our will to commit suicide, 
national suicide, the signal of our national extinction- For 
never was truer word spoken than when the late German Indolo- 
gist Hermann Oldenberg said that' 1 in the Mahsbhlrata breathe 
the united soul of India, and the individual souls of her people," 
And why is that ? Because the MahabhSrata is the national saga 
of India. It is, in other words, the content of our collective un- 
conscious. And just for that reason it refuses to be discarded. 
We must therefore grasp this great book with botb hands and 
face it squarely. Then we shall recognize that it is our past 
which has prolonged itself into the present. We ar& it : I mean 
the real WE! Shall we be guilty of strangling onr own soul? 

Annals of the 
Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute 



( Monday, 4(h January 194S ) 



I appreciate the great honour which jour Council has done 
me by asking me to give the address on the auspicious occasion 
of the Silver Jubilee of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute which is our nation's tribute to the life and work of a 
master intellect, a noble soul and a moving force in Indian Re- 
naissance and Sanskrit studies. The Institute was founded with 
the object of " promoting among its members a spirit of 
inquiry into the history of our country -literary, social and 
political- and of affording facilities to outsiders engaged in the 
same pursuit. " ! Poona has been for long a home of Sanskrit 
learning and it has become more so by the establishment of 
this centre of study and research* In the first few years, the 
Institute worked under the direct guidance of Sir R. G. 
Bhandarkar and thereafter his example has been a great 
inspiration to the workers. By his own works on The Early 
History of the Deccan, Vaisrtavism^ $aivism, and minor Religious 
systems, Wilson Lectures on Philology and study of inscriptions 
and manuscripts, he has left for us an enduring example of 
precise work and exact scholarship. It is interesting to know 

1 Sir R. G. Bhandarkar's Inaugural Address delivered on the 15th of 
December* 1918. 

i Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

his views about the qualifications of a good research student. 
" One who enters into that field is required to be p, man of 
exceptional intelligence, a man with a clear head and with very- 
acute and keen reasoning powers. The next requisite and a 
very essential requisite is that there must be curiosity in him; 
and the third requisite is that there must be a freedom from bias 
and thorough impartiality in forming an opinion on any ques* 
tion that comes forward. " He lived up to the standard which 
he iaid down and enjoyed the highest reputation among his 
equals, Indian and European. The wish samarianam uttama- 
sloko bhavatu was realised in his case to the fullest extent. 

A period of twenty-five years is not much in the history of 
an institution like this, but when we realise that it was the first 
research institute for Indological studies established by us and 
it had to pass through the period of the armistice between the 
two wars, when our country was also plunged into widespread 
agitation more than once, it is a matter for thanksgiving that 
the Institute has been privileged to carry on its work unhampered 
by the events of the world. The Institute may well take the 
credit for the establishment of the All-India Oriental Conference 
and we are grateful to it for the collection of Sanskrit and 
Prakrit manuscripts, and for cataloguing them on scie ntifie 
lines, for its Annals, for the publication of important works 
through the Government Oriental Series, including that 
monumental and standard production on Dharmasastra by Maha- 
mahopadhyaya Professor P. V. Kane, and for the publication 
of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata under the devoted 
and distinguished editorship of Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, and his 
scholarly colleagues like Dr. S. K. Belvalkar who "have dedicated 
their lives to the pursuit of Sanskrit learning. All this is work of 
supreme importance to our country and the world. The Institute 
is grateful to the people, the princes, one of whom presides over 
the meeting today and another, to whose enlightened genero- 
sity the undertaking of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata 
owes a great deal, is the Chairman of the Regulating Council, and 
the Government of Bombay. I have just had the pleasure of hand- 
ing the Silver Jubilee medals to five of the chief workers of the 

Silver Jubilee Address 3 

The Institute wa established during the last world war and 
is celebrating its Jubilee in the second world war when the 
world is filled with unhappy hates. It only shows that even 
when the world is plunged in flames it is the duty of intellectuals 
to preserve the heritage of reason and speak for the tradition of 
civilisation. When a professor of Oxford was asked in the last 
war as to why he was not in the front when the war for civili* 
sation was being fought, he replied : ** I am the Civilisation for 
which they are fighting/ 7 In the present war which is so vast, 
intimate and ultimate that it reaches to the very roots of human 
life, we must speak out and recall men, whose ideas of right and 
wrong have been artificially perverted, to the true values. The 
evil of the world is not the product of a malignant fate but of 
a deadly blindness. Plato says : u Must we not suppose that the 
souls which have the finest natural endowment are precisely 
those that tend to go sensationally to the bad under the influence 
of a bad education ? When one looks into the great crimes and 
the examples of unmitigated wickedness, does one find that these 
are the fruits of second rate character? Are they not apt 
rather to be the fruits of a vitality that has been corrupted by 
a wrong upbringing ? Is it not the fact that a weak character 
is never the author of anything great-either for good or for 
evil ? " Our ideas of right and wrong, the meaning of life and 
its purpose require to be reconsidered. The belief in the perfecti- 
bility of man, in the omnipotence of reason, in the certainty of 
progress cannot be sustained, if we look at tie contemporary 
world where reason is enchained, the pillars of society are 
cracking and man has no desire to become perfect but only 
wishes to have a good time. We have a civilisation of the cinema 
and the radio, cheap press and sex novels, a civilisation which 
exalts mysticism of the senses, which looks upon morality as 
an outworn sharn, art as a sedative and literature as an escape. 
It is not without its glory for even though brutality masquerades 
as strength, the tough virtues of courage and endurance of 
loyalty and discipline are practised by millions. But these 
minor moralities are not enough. There are certain things 
without which we cannofc live and certain other things without 
which we should not care to live. The present times which are 

4 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

rich in knowledge, organisation and discipline show how these 
great means are being harnessed to primitive ends of group loyal- 
ties and collective forms of selfishness. The primordial fires of 
tribe, race and nation are still burning. When the mask is torn 
away in a crisis like the present one, our primitive countenance 
is revealed. We have a civilisation which is rich in means and 
poor in ends. We have lost our way and to get back to it, we 
must study the visions and achievements of man at his best and 
return to the true principles of life. We require to be educated 
not merely for life but for the good life. We need a knowledge 
of ends also. 

If there is one country in the world which has borne 
persistent witness to the truths of spirit in spite of changes of 
fortune, social convulsions and political upheavals, it is India. 
The sustaining power of the faiths to which she has given 
birth, the warm hospitality with which she welcomed all creeds, 
the temples, mosques, and churches which the dreamers of every 
faith have built to draw near to the heaven of their imagining, 
the sacred places of the human spirit which conquerors from 
abroad sought to profane and enslave to glorify their special 
creeds have made India hallowed ground for us all. The 
marvellous continuity of our civilisation which has been 
preserved in its essentials in spite of repeated attacks from 
within and without shows that her significance is unexhausted, 
Archaeologists have revealed to us not only the great antiquity, 
but also the vast extent of the Hindu civilisation. Hindu 
cities and temples were unearthed at Anuradhapura in Ceylon, 
at Borobudur in Java and at Anghkor in Cambodia. Hindu 
influence on Greece and Palestine through Indian soldiers in 
Persian armies and Asoka's missions is gradually being un- 
folded. Sir Aurel Stein has traced Indian settlements and 
caravan routes through the desert of Central Asia right up to 
the great wall of China. Buddhism found its way across the 
Indian borders into Mongolian countries about the second 
century B. C. For 600 years from the reign of Kaniska to that 
of Harsa cultural relationships between the Indians and the 
Chinese were uninterrupted. Chinese pilgrims who visited the 
holy places of India have left valuable records of their journeys 

Stiver Jubilee Address 5 

and many Buddhist works of which the originals are lost 
survive in Chinese, Japanese and Tibetan versions* E?en in 
recent times, the names of Schopenhauer, Hartmann, Nietssche, 
Deussen, Keyserling, Emerson, Thoreau, Whitman, W. B, Yeats, 
George Russell, Romain Holland, Aldous Huxley remind us of 
the vitality of Indian civilisation and its value for the modern 
world whose mind is obsessed by ncience, scepticism and the 
anguish of denial. 

If the world with its mixing of cultures and mingling of 
races is to be rebuilt, the process of gradual integration of 
heterogeneous people described in our ancient classics may 
have some lessons for us. India has never been exclusive 
unlike some of the great nations of antiquity* Speaking of 
Greece and Rome, Macau lay observes, " The fact seems to be 
that the Greeks only admired themselves and that the Romans 
admired only themselves and the Greeks/' * India, on the other 
hand, was never obsessed by the cult of self-sufficiency. Even 
in the work of this Institute we have the collaboration of Indian 
and European scholars. Indian society is a complex thing, the 
result of a slow growth, manifold in its source, varied in its 
build. Indian people are made up of the most extraordinary 
mingling of races and cultures and the spirit of India is more 
intangible, more ample, more contradictory, more incalculable 
than that of other peoples. It escapes definition and is the 
despair of the scientific historian. It is definitely impressive 
as it has dominated Indian memory and imagination from the 
beginning of her history. Frequently she was fascinated by 
other cultures, but never subjugated. 

Today when our art and literature, when our social and 
political programmes are filled with the voices of despair, the 
need for voicing India to herself and to the world has arisen. In 
studying the ancient classics we must have intense historical 
imagination which alone can turn learning into wisdom, 
clothe the old strength in a new form. You have for your 
motto tejasui nawidhitantastu. Knowledge must become power, 

Miscellaneous Writings ( History ) I860, Vol. I. p. 263. 

6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

radiance, illumination. To attain to truth is not to crowd the 
memory but to illumine the mind. May knowledge grow into 
wisdom We know very little and when we know enough of our 
ignorance we will kneel down and pray. When asked what con- 
stituted wisdom Confucius replied : " To cultivate earnestly our 
duty towards our neighbour and to reverence spiritual beings 
while always maintaining a due reserve may be called wisdom/' 
A spirit of reverence towards eternal things, goo'dwill and a 
troubled concern over the waywardness of men and the misfortu- 
nes of people, respect for the freedom and dignity of the human 
spirit are the marks of wisdom. Human beings are not charged 
particles in ceaseless motion, bufc living spirits, and to enable 
them to realise their spiritual possibilities is the end of all social 
institutions. Any one who looks at the present condition of 
India will tell us that it is no use talking about the vanished 
glory and faded greatness when we are engulfed in a common 
shame. We have lost nerve and heart. We are tired in mind 
and body. In the presence of urgent needs, we reveal a curious 
sense Of apathy. In the face of desperate crises we wait for 
something to turn up. Our leaders seem to be as it were in 
Plato's cave conversant not with mankind but with their 

While the spirit of India can never die, the social institu- 
tions which do not embody it must be scrapped. While the 
foundations which our fathers laid are sure and sound, the super- 
structure requires to be altered. If the fair name of India is to 
be redeemed from the charges of senility and sterility, our mind 
must be liberated from the thraldom of outworn customs and 
corrupt practices. While we are the heirs to the spiritual 
treasures of our venerable teachers and saints, we are also the 
pioneers of a new order of development. We must create a 
future India with new conceptions of life and duty. The mis- 
fortune of revolutionists is that they are disinherited. The 
good fortune of radical reformers like Sir R. GL Bhandarkar is 
that they know that while the past cannot be blotted out, move- 
ment is the essence of life. While he lived under a continuing 
vision of the unseen he let the ancient light shine on all the 

Silver Juhlet Address 7 

questions which are agitating us, the misery and struggle of 
humanity, the vulgar worship of wealth, the sadness and pain of 
the dispossessed. While he was a practising theist, he was also 
an ardent reformer. In his Presidential Address at the Ninth 
Indian Social Conference held in 1893, he said : 

" And moat of the reforms we advocate involve no break of 
continuity. Some of them will be welcomed by the orthodox 
people themselves, and as regards a great many others, what we 
propose is merely to go back to the more healthy condition in 
which our society once existed. In ancient times girls were 
married after they had attained maturity, now they must be 
married before ; widow marriage was in practice, now it has 
entirely gone out ; women were often highly educated and taught 
music and dancing, now they are condemned to ignorance and 
denied any accomplishments. The castes were only four in 
number, now they are innumerable. Inter-dining among those 
castes was not prohibited, now the numberless castes that prevail 
cannot have inter-communication of that nature. Consistently 
with the maintenance of continuity in this manner, there ought 
to be, I think, as much action as possible. A strong public 
opinion must be created among the whole body of educated 
natives condemning any departure from the programme of reform 
while no mercy should be shown to one who does what even 
the orthodox disapprove, and at sixty, marries a girl of ten or 
twelve, or another wife immediately after the death of the first. 
The exhibition of any caste partiality must also be severely 
condemned, as no religious rules require it. Unless we act in 
this manner, all our advocacy of reform will sink into merest 
sentimentality more demoralising in its effect than sturdy ortho- 
doxy." 1 

An inarticulate idealism which is too noble to be at ease 
with the chaotic conditions in India and too feeble to improve 
the situation will not do. We must brush aside the passive 
obstruction of ignorance and inertia and the powerful ones of 
dogmatic authority and vested interest. As the guardians of the 
essential wisdom of India, as the trustees of the humane learning 

Collected works of Sir R, G. Bhandatkar, Vol. II, page 497* 

hnals 0} tk Bknfarkr Ontntd Rtmrch IntfituU 

and social idealism of this land, it is your great function to 
serve and transmit to future generations the burning faith in the 
spirit and equality of man which will consume selfishness and 
destroy bondage, Those who are directly connected with the 
working of the Institute can look back on the twenty-five years, 
note the difficulties encountered and overcome and can indicate 
to us the detailed ways and means by which the work of the 
Institute can be furthered, I hope very much that the important 
work which the Institute has undertaken will not be hampered 
by lack of funds, It will be a libel on our princes and merchants 
to suggest that their generosity will fail in the matter of this 
great cultural enterprise, It only remains for me to express |to 
you, on behalf of the people of this ancient land, Benares Hindu 
University and of myself, our deepest gratitude for your noble 
work and our prayerful wishes that the Institute and its band of 
workers may prosper even more in years to come, 





Our ancient scriptures tell us that every man is born burdened 
with three debts which he should endeavour to liquidate during 
his term of life to the best of his ability : the three rnas to the 
gods, to the ancestors and to the r$is. Of these the first two are 
practically within the means of most of us : we maintain our 
gods with due reverence and pomp. Witness for instance, the 
worship of the Elephant~TPaced~God that we have initiated 
yesterday; and the last census returns show a definite increase in 
our population. But it is the debt to the rsis, both ancient and 
modern, which is the most difficult to discharge, and which is 
generally left unpaid. It is thus a matter of great importance 
that this Institute which commemorates the revered name of a 
modern r$i who made the study of the language of the gods a 
fascinating one during the second half of the nineteenth century, 
justly celebrates this occasion in honour of all rsis, both ancient 
and modern. This is an oocssion when every man can take stock 
of his own activities, consider the credit and debit side of his 
moral and spiritual life, and settle where possible the last of the 
three debts to the best of his abilities. I am very grateful in- 
deed for the honour the Institute has done me by inviting me to 
deliver the present address to you this evening, and despite the 
short notice I have gladly accepted it in the hope that I shall at 
least partially redeem my rsi-rna by speaking to you on some of 
the thoughts which have come to me in my own research acti- 
vities as a result of suggestions thrown out in his many-sided 
contributions by Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar. My only- 
regret is that the present duty has not fallen on more worthy 

* Substance of the Address delivered on the occasion of the Bsipancami 
Day at th^ Institute on 15th September 1942. 

2 [ Annals, B. O. R. L | 

lo Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

shoulders, for if you will pardon my saying so, the choice of the 
present lecturer has not been exceptionally wise or happy. I 
see before me far worthier scholars than myself who can rightly 
claim to be the epigoni of that great abhinavarsi and therefore in a 
position to render far more valuable service to the cause which 
he represented in his life and which is crystallized during the 
past twentyfive years in the activities of this great Institue. If I 
appear at all before you today it is with the full confidence that 
the spirit of that rsi is present here among us 9 casting its 
beneficent influence all around us, and inspiring us to discharge 
honourably and with equity the spiritual debt due from us to 
the entire m'hood. 


My own introduction to the language of the gods happily 
came through the two books of Sanskrit which Dr. Bhandarkar 
made famous during the second half of the nineteenth century ; 
and, but for these two books, I would not have pursued the 
study of Panini and Patanjali in the orthodox manner. Even 
apart from this, in spite of his many-sided contributions to the 
general fund of Indology, Dr. Bhandarkar once more gave a 
new direction to the moribund interest of the educated masses 
of not only this province, but practically of the whole of India, 
in Sanskrit and Sanskritic studies. He combined within 
himself the best of the East and the West, and with his peculiar 
synthetic spirit, evolved a new line of approach to our ancient 
cultural heritage of which Sanskrit or the 'language of the 
gods * is the chief vehicle of expression. There have been more 
profound scholars in the East and the West, but none so 
versatile and equally at home with the East and the West. 
Naturally when one contemplates on the character and achieve- 
ments of Sir Eamkrishna, Sanskrit occupies the central 
position in any estimate, and this tradition is being continued 
even now by the activities of this Institute in the magnificent 
critical edition of the Great National Epic, the most stupendous 
work ever to be undertaken during the present century, and 
of the highest importance to Indian culture. 

The first scientific demonstration that Sanskrit was a spoken 
idiom is contained within the series of lectures with which 

Influence of Popular Dialects on Sanskrit j r 

Dr, Bhandarkar Inaugurated the Wilson Philological Lectures 
in 1877 in the University of Bombay, Since then other scholars 
have taken up that subject, and the chief contributions on the 
topic have appeared in the JRAS during: the turn of the 
century up to the commencement of the last Great World War. 
In fact I am given to understand that Mm. Prof. P. V. Kane, in 
his Wilson Philological Lectures during 1913, has extensively 
dealt with this topic. Sixty years after this memorable event, 
in 1937, at the Ninth All-India Oriental Conference held at 
Trivandrum, the learned General President, Prof. F. W. Thomas, 
once again raised the subject, not in order to prove that 
Sanskrit was a spoken medium, but in order to show that in 
Sanskrit alone one could find the basis for a common language 
for the whole of India. Nay t he even went further, and 
declared that he did not feel that the idea of Sanskrit resuming: 
its place as a common literary medium for India was a hopeless- 
ly lost cause, since the alternative was either that there should 
be no such medium ( other than English ) or the dominance of 
some particular vernacular, despite unavoidable reluctances. 
Here we observe a foreign scholar, equally a master of Sanskrit 
as of Tibetan and Chinese, giving his unbiased opinion, that 
Sanskrit which was the language of the gods, may once again 
become the common literary medium of the whole of India and 
thus descend to earth like the sacred Ganga and purify the 
accumulated dirt and sins of millenniums. 

It is not necessary for me to indicate in any detail the uni- 
fying cultural influence of this sacred polished language of 
ancient India. The supremacy of the Aryan rule in general 
superimposed a Sanskrit bias on the linguistic systems current 
in India during the ancient and medieval periods. Not only 
was the South of India converted to a Sanskrit bias : witness, 
for instance, the Kanarese and Telugu Literatures of the 9th- 
10th centuries A. D. which contain, on an average over 90 per 
cent of pure Sanskritic vocables, so much so that these languages 
have been classified by their grammarians as prakritic in origin- 
but they also became the centres for the preservation of Sanskrit 
culture when the North was overrun by foreign invaders profes- 
sing Q> different culture and a different medium of communi- 

12 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research- Institute 

cation. Even the discident Pali and Ardhamagadhl, the religions 
vehicles of Southern Buddhism and Jainism, had to yield 
reluctantly to the reaffirmed supremacy of Sanskrit ; and so far 
as Northern Buddhism was concerned, as also later Jainism> 
Sanskrit once again became the literary medium. With the 
spread of Sanskrit culture to Greater India, the influence of the 
language was increasingly fit even in the Pacific Islands; 
Tibetan and Chinese and even distant Japanese have been 
modified by their contacts with Sankrit language and culture. 
Thus, for a period of more than four thousand years, Sanskrit, 
whether in its vedic garb, or in its severely refined classical 
form as witnessed in Patafijali's Great Commentary, whether 
in the language known today as Buddhist or Jain Sanskrit, or 
even in the flowing but not strictly grammatical idiom of the 
Epics, has maintained a firm grip on the cultural evolution of 
our country and in the spread of that synthesised culture abroad 
to China 5 Japan and the Pacific Islands* Not only that, the so- 
called * discovery ' of Sanskrit by the Europeans has contributed 
to the foundation of the new science of Comparative Grammar 
which is still in its infancy, but which has given a new orienta- 
tion to the rigorous study of not only the members of the Indo- 
European family of languages but also of other families. It 
has incidentally supplied the technical terms for certain linguistic 
phenomena such as guria and vrddhi. All this is but a minor 
phase in the development of Sanskrit from its earliest appearance 
in the vedic hymns to its being employed as medium in technical 
sciences in the late medieval and modern periods. 

When such is the field of Sanskrit and so great the extent 
of its power and influence over every linguistic unit with 
which it has come into contact for a period of more than four 
thousand years, our eyes are generally blinded to the two-fold 
aspect of 'give and take 7 which is inevitable in a such a slow but 
steady process of transformation. We are inclined to take 
into account only the influence of Sanskrit on other literary 
mediums and look askance at any proposition which is contrary 
to the hypothesis of loans from Sanskrit. This bias has led, for 
instance, to the creation of a special medium which the early 
linguists of the Ust century called the Gatha dialect, particularly 

Influence of Popular Dtakits on Sanskrit n 

in the compositions of the Northern Buddhists, wherein 
'correct', Sanskrit IB interspersed with * incorrect 7 Sanskrit. 
Now what is this distinction in the two classes termed 

* correct * and * incorrect * Sanskrit which separates them ? 
I have only to refer you to Dr. Bhandarkar'B lectures on the 
Sanskrit and Prakrit languages wherein he quotes extensively 
from Patanjali ? s Mahabhaxya and arrives at the conclusion that 

* correct ' Sanskrit represents the medium as * current ' among 
the sistas or the refined educated class. Thus we arrive at the 
concept of a * current ' Sanskrit in opposition to a * non-current 7 
Sanskrit, both comprising what may be termed the ppeech 
habits of the refined and educated Aryans of Central India in 
general, with some local variations already indicated by 
Panini and delineated in greater detail by Patanjali. A third 
category is defined by Patanjali by the term apabhasita- or 
apabhramia or apabhrasta> including forms actually * current ? 
some time during the history of Indo-Aryan, but not; among the 
htas. As regards the idea of A currency ' both the Varttikakara 
*nd the BhasyakSra agree on the domain of linguistic usage as 
consisting of the space-time context and this lively discussion 
s introduced in the Mahabhasya by the varitika * astyaprayuJtfah ? 
ind ending with the varttika * sarve desantare ? and although 

desa * signifies * space * in general, the idea of time is also in- 
lerent in it. And it is still a wonder to me that this space- 
sontert with its implied time-context which India discovered as 
ntal to a historical study of her linguistic systems, remained 
Jormant for nearly two thousand years, and did not take 
its central place in modern linguistics ( itself the result of 
the * discovery ' of Sanskrit ) until the discovery and decipher- 
cnent of Hittite and Tocharian and the consequent restudy of the 
entire history of Indo-European in the light of their individual 
development. Apart from the significance of this space-time 
context in the historical development of Indo-Aryan languages 
themselves, we have to observe the two types of sista Sanskrit 
in opposition to the speech habits of the non-iiatas, and to that 
srtent we have what may be designated the * standard ' Sanskrit 
*s distinguished from the * popular ' Sanskrit or * popular dia- 

14 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

lects ' of Sanskrit and to use a more technical trm, of Old and 
Middle Indo- Aryan. 

It will be seen from the brief enumeration above that besides 
the standard forms 6 current * among the sistas in their space- 
time evolution, the Aryan languages themselves possessed 
* current 7 non-sista forms which I wish to designate in this 
lecture as the popular dialect forms ; in fact Patanjali goes so 
far out as to indicate the proportion of the standard and popular 
forms : ekaikasya hi sabdasya bahavo-' -pabhrartisah. The question 
which I wish to pose before you is this : How far have these 
popular dialects in their space-time evolution influenced the 
development of the iista speech itself ? In other words, what is 
the infiuence of Popular Dialects on Sanskrit ? 

In order to approach this problem we have to take into consi- 
deration first the nature of Sanskrit itself. This language of the 
gods, technically designated by linguists as Old Indo-Aryan or 
the first stage of the Aryan language brought within India, 
itself consists of several strands of dialects which show their dia- 
lectical characteristics in varying degree. For we have shown 
above that the idea of * currency ' at any given period has to do 
with regions, and what is * current ' in a particular region may 
not be sista for the whole of India. Such peculiarities have been 
noticed, for instance, in the Rgveda. Thus with reference to 
the Infinitive forms in the Rgveda, Brunnhofer has observed 
that the Atreyas in the 8th mandala have none in -to-, the 
Kanva in the 1st and 5th mandalas almost none in -turn and 
-tavai\ similarly the Vasisthas in the 7th mandala have no 
absolutive forms in -tvh and -tvhya, and just one instance in 
-tv'z ( if the khila hymn 7, 104, 8 is not taken into consideration), 
Scholars are divided in their opinion regarding the interpretation 
of these phenomena ; Wackernagel believes that despite these 
peculiarities the language throughout the Rgveda shows 
unity, notwithstanding the diversity of composition. Are we to 
consider these as stylistic or artistic peculiarities or as definite 
signs of dialectical tendencies in the stream of language which 
goes to constitute what we know today as Sanskrit ? For 
myself, taking account of the entire history of the language 

Influence of Popular Dtalects on Sanskrit 1 5 

from its earliest appearance to its latest phases, it is evident that 
from the space-time context consideration of linguit&tic facts, all 
such regional or family peculiarities and the much more certain 
chronological peculiarities together give us, from the analogical 
considerations, tributaries forming the life-giving waters of the 
major stream of language* A consideration of the language of 
the Rgveda itself shows that the 10th mandala exhibits a later 
phase than the rest of the text ; similarly that of the Ya^urreda 
is younger than that of the Rgveda; and in this manner we 
can discover linguistic strata from the ftgveda down to the 
Sutras constituting the first phase of old Indo- Aryan. Never- 
theless the so-called 10th mandala of the Bgveda exhibits 
certain archaisms as wall, and these archaisms appear to be con- 
sciously attempted* 

Now It is reasonable to assume that what is current in a 
given region at a given period among the Vistas may not have 
currency elsewhere ; and the process by which such forms infilter 
in other regions is one which must occur in point of time-context 
dependent on several considerations such as the political or 
cultural importance of the region concerned- In addition there 
is the linguistic process affecting the already current speech 
habit of the region in its time-sequence, and these together give 
us what the Germans call the Sprachgut or the linguistic 
material of that particular region at a given point of time. Thus 
the new forms which have been evolved in the lOfch mandala of 
the Rgveda represent, for instance, the general linguistic 
evolution of the language in its time sequence. But what of the 
conscious archaisms ? Do they represent a conscious activity 
the bards to appear more ancient and therefore more authorita- 
tive, or do they contain within themselves, at least in a few 
cases, the infiltering activities of ii$ta forms current at an 
earlier period in the same region, or of forms current in another 
region at that period ? To answer these questions is not easy, 
for we have not sufficient materials with us on which we can 
base our conclusions. And we have not sufficient experience in 
these matters in the entire domain of Sanskrit literature, 
for everywhere we have to face the difficulty of assigning 
correct chronological or regional limits to any given work 
of such an ancient date. There is only one way open to us ; we 

1 6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

can assume certain possibilities and see if they are borne out in 
the entire evolution of Indo- Aryan from its oldest phase to the 
latest. One of such possibilities is the following : forms which 
were current in popular dialects, - that is, forms current among 
the non-szs&z members of a given region at one period, may 
receive recognition at a later period from the sistas of that region 
and be thus given a place in the current expressions of the edu- 
cated masses. This is a process which is taking place in all 
linguistic groups ; witness, for instance, tbe evolution of Middle 
Indo- Aryan into several well-defined regional Prakrit languages 
like SaurasenI or Magadhi, with characteristics ultimately 
derived from the speech habits of the nou-istas 9 developing a 
literature of their own. Similarly Pali and ArdhamagadhI which 
may be called popular or vernacular speech forms in opposition 
to the refined Sanskrit became the regular literary mediums of 
religious exposition and reached the status of current speech 

Thus we see that in the gradual evolution of Indo-Aryan, 
when one praticular dialect reaches to the status of a literary 
medium as current among the sistas, other dialects current 
among the common people may be considered as popular speech 
forms. Wow the question of the interrelationship of these two 
sets is of importance for us in order to evaluate the interaction 
of the one on the other. While some type of Sanskrit remained 
throughout the history of Indo- Aryan as the common literary 
medium, uniting the whole of cultural India, influencing the 
various regional languages in their entirety, what was the 
process by which it gradually assumed its classical shape in 
contradistinction to Vedic, and culminated in the so-called 
popular Sanskrit seen in the epics, Buddhist and Jaina composi- 
tions ? And in this process what was the part played by the 
popular dialects ? 

Now as regards classical Sanskrit in opposition to Vedic, 
the first fact to be noticed is the normalising and simplification 
of morphology ; of the different terminations of the various 
cases several have dropped out ; the number of verbal forms 
undergoes very great reduction, the perfect and aorist types 
being limited to the indicative mood only ; verbs which admit 

Influence of Popular Dialects on Sanskrit 17 

of stem ehiftings, like the nasal presents, root aorists, etc. have 
a tendency to disappear ; similarly the large number of termi- 
nations for the infinitives arid absolutives undergoes reduc- 
tion. Everywhere the normalising process tends to reduce the 
richness of the Tedic forms. The middle voice extends to 
whole verbs when the present stem admitted it in the Vedie. 
Thus there is a double process of restriction and expansion, of 
conservation and innovation. This double process oannot be 
ordinarily explained by any single line of development other 
than on the basis of being influenced by a group of popular 
dialects which are ultimately derived from the same common 
source. Thus, for instance* the significance of vastra as * sky * by 
an extension of analogy with its partial synonym ambara, or of 
yuddha- * a pair 7 on analogy with dvandvci- must have some 
space-time context connected with them. The extension could 
not have started in the original region where the partial 
synonyms would be easily recognisable; if we assume, 
however, that in a region where ambara- alone was current at a 
period when its partial synonym vasfra- was being introduced, 
the extension of the synonym to all the remaining significances 
of ambara- could be easily understood and justified in that 
context. Thus we should have regions, for instance, where 
umbara and vastra coincide only in the sense of * garment % or in 
some other sense of either ambara or of vastra^ and if our 
material is sufficiently exhaustive we shall discover the 
gradual process of this extension. What is possible within the 
&$fo forma current in different regions is possible to a greater 
extent with popular dialects, for here, in the absence of a 
literature which can fix the usages in a well defined limit, we 
shall have a quick process of absorption and development ; 
at the same time, the absence of a normalizing: tendency will 
keep those forms in their pristine purity to a greater length 
of time than iu the case a literary medium, 

In this manner we see on the one hand the regularising: 

process, caused by the tendency to economy of effort in all 

human activities* reducing the original rich morphological 

nature of Vedic Sanskrit to its classical form f and introducing 

3 I Annals, B. O. B. I. J 

1 8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

rapid changes ; but in this process the literary medium draw 
its inspiration from some definite region at one time or another 
and the standard refined language derives its chief charac- 
teristics from such contributory dialects and regional 
languages. It is our duty to find out the extent and manner of 
such changes introduced in the standard language through 
constant interaction between it and the popular languages 
which exist beside it in the different regions during the various 
periods of history. 

In my present address it is not possible to work out the main 
theme of this investigation in all its details. Like Bhattoji 
Dlkiita 1 have to declare at this juncture that only leading 
features are indicated : dih-matram iha darsitam. Let us then 
turn our attention to the historical development of Sanskrit 
from its first appearance downwards. It is well known that 
Sanskrit belongs to the Indo-European family of languages, 
and that Primitive I-E. did not possess the cerebral series. 
Yet even in the language of the ftgveda the cerebrals have 
developed completely, while in the Primitive Indo-Iranian 
period they did not exist. How was this series introduced in 
Primitive Indo-Aryan ? The dental and cerebral series exist 
also in Dravidian, and the cerebrals also occur in another 
Indian family, the Kol or Munda. One fact should be noted 
here: the cerebrals have not been introduced whole-sale in 
Sanskrit? on the other hand their extension is rather progressive. 
In the first place cerebrals result from dentals and palatals 
under certain conditions depending on changes anterior to 
Sanskrit itself : influence of s or *? and the lateral r on the 
dentals ; similarly the palatals j, s and h as word-finals change 
to cerebrals ; also the cerebral s resulting from the other sibilants 
after an i or u or r. Of these changes the influence of lateral r 
or the vocalic r has continued to function within the entire 
history of certain MI-A. dialects, the cerebralization being 
particularly noticeable on the Eastern side. We do not know 
the exact prehistory of the remaining changes : they are anterior 
to Sanskrit itself ; possible influence by Dravidian or Eol in 
prehistoric times may explain some of these changes ; for the 
interaction of Prearyan and Predravidian has been postulated 

Influence of Papular Dialects on Sanskrit 19 

or a number of characteristics found In Indian languages 
oday, and I refer you to tfee work of the same name published by 
he University of Calcutta some years back* But we can go back 
rom MI- A. to GI-A on the basis of one tendency afc least which 
las remained active in MI- A* : the cerebralization of dentals 
n the presence of r or r -' thus Vedic wkatd- ; vikrta- is paralleled 
\j Sk. Ar/a- = Pk. &a^a-, inrta- : awa//a-, srla * ?a$a~- etc. Similar- 
y the dhatuptha root attate, attayatt is connected with Sk. 
irtta~> and the BSk. aiithati is derived from Sk. arlhate, and 
>arallel to this we have in Pk. rddhi : iddhi, ardha : af}dha- etc. 
^hat is the explanation of this phenomenon ? We may believe 
hat the process which affected the OI-A. forms sporadically 
>ecame more regular in the MI- A* ; or else we may consider the 
>ossibility of certain regional characteristics of popular 
lialects affecting: the standard literary medium to a certain 
nfent only, but affecting the MI-A, idiom developed within 
hose regions in a more regular manner. In fact even the first 
ilternative is, in effect, a modification of the second one. And 
tfe shall not be far wrong in assuming this influence at the 
>asis of such double forms as bhan- and bfian-, an-, a#- in OI-A-, 
he second being made * current ' by the sistas at a later period 
hrough borrowing from some influential MI-A. dialect or 
anguage. And so far as any form of OI-A. is concerned every 
WLI-A. form is 'popular'. Hence we can treat this primitive 
tspeet of Sanskrit consonantism as a result of the influence of 
popular dialects on Sanskrit, whether these popular dialects 
??ere Aryan or not ? moreover the very fact that the cererbal 
series was not introduced wholesale within Sanskrit at a given 
3eriod argues in favour of this gradual influence* 

"Within Sanskrit itself the normalizing process which affected 
,he rich morphological aspect of the Vedic language has been 
selective*; for instance the absolutive termination of classical Sk. 
is -tia, whereas the Vedic -tvana survived only in P&li and other 
MI-A. languages regularly. This selective process ordinarily 
sannot be haphazard ; for in such a case, it will not be possible 
to have a uniform language ; and the uniformity with which 
such selection holds for the whole of classical Sanskrit argues 
for the space-time context to which I referred in the beginning, 

20 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

If a certain form current at"a particular time in a given regie 
becomes the standard form for the whole of Sanskrit because of 
certain political or cultural aspects centering round that region 
at that period, the process of selection is automatically explain- 
ed. The remaining forms have local currency and survive in 
the lineal descendants of such local or regional languages or 
dialects, while the standardised polished language preserves 
only the particular form on the selective principle. Thus the 
development of Sanskrit in its space-time context, when discern- 
ible, will throw considerable light on this aspect of interaction 
between the local mediums and itself. It is still a matter of 
regret that, not withstanding more than a century of modern 
scientific research in the West and East, we are still far from 
achieving some measure of success in this enquiry which is so 
vital to our national development. For Sanskrit contains with- 
in itself the seeds of unifying Indian culture once again, and by 8 
the process of synthesis which it symbolised within itself by ' 
fusing the Prearyan and Predravidian cultures into a distinct 8 
Indian culture which spread North and East and left its mark on 
every aspect of life in those regions during the first thousand 
years after Christ, it is still capable of unifying the divergent 
tendencies visible today in our country and evolving a cultural 
unity which may once again bring a new era of spiritual regene- 
ration in the East and the West. 

When we consider the popular Sanskrit of the Hindus, 
Buddhists and the Jafnas we notice a similar extension of 
popular influence exerted by regional or local languages on tbe 
standard medium and giving it a new orientation. Whereas 
i-raknt literature appears to be a purely artificial production, a 
kind of protestant reaction eschewing completely all forms which 
might be considered as the refined Sanskrit, these popular idioms 
with their learned borrowings of loanwords from Sanskrit and' 
partially standardised morphology reflect the actual state of 
affairs so far as linguistic habits are concerned. It is not with a 
Gatha dialect that we have to do hero ; on the other hand, we, 
notice here, before our very eyes, . the process of interaptioat 
between a refined standardised speech and the local or current, 
popular dialects, and evolving a mixed idiom where 

Influence of Popular Dialects on Sanskrit 21 

standard and local features inter-mingle without consideration 
of propriety. We are not hedged in here by the steel frame of 
Panini and his two followers, the rminitrayam or the triumvirate 
of sages who built up a noble edifice without considering the 
cost involved in their efforts to the lifeblood of the language 
they were hedging in : we are rather in the jungle where all the 
diverse elements mix and commingle to evolve a new but rich 
idiom, like the language of the goda seen in the Veda itself, and 
which has left its lasting Impress on all toe modern languages 
of India. It Is not my intenion to fcire you with citations from 
this idiom to demonstrate the degree of popular influence on 
Sanskrit. Suffice it to say that you will find an accurate des- 
cription of the Buddhist Sanskrit idiom in Edgerton's papers 
published during the past six or seven years ; and so far as Epic 
Sanskrit is concerned work is still being continued 10 this 
Institute as well as in the Deccan College and the University 
of Dacca. This rich interaction between the standard form of 
Sanskrit with the local varieties of MIA. has given to us a 
pattern followed by the IA. vernaculars as against the prote* 
stant Prakrit languagea For even in the earliest NIA, literature 
now available to us, we notice the occurrence of Sk. loanwords 
ranging between 40 to 80 percent of the total expressions used* 
This close mixture of the two, whether in the MIA. or In the NIA. 
stage, cannot take place without the one affecting the other. How- 
ever conservative the authors may be in their approach to 
Sanskrit, In actual Sanskrit usage they will be Influenced by 
their local idioms. Even editors or redactors revising the Mss. 
of their authors, are prone to commit such unconscious localisa- 
tions or provincialisms We have hundreds of such instances 
in the local variants recorded, for Instance, in the critical edition 
of the Great Epic published by this Institute. 

The tendency of our ancient commentators in Sanskrit Is to 
consider these local variations as unPaninian, but they have not 
dared to oppose them as aiista ; they may be apanintya bufc they 
can never be asista, for following the very argument of Patanjali 
we may say -" mahan sabdas^prayogaw$ayah...etavanlam iabdasya 
prayogavi^ayam ananuniiamya * santy aprayukta 7 iti vacanam keva- 
lam sahfLsamatram. * Such provincial forms which may be 

22 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

found in the works of A&vaghosa or Kalidasa cannot be brushed 
away as ungrammatioal ; in fact, where the readings are beyond 
doubt, they have a unique value for us for studying the later 
development of Sanskrit. And it is a pity that as yet no sustain- 
ed effort has been made fco study these divergences from the 
Paninian norm in their space-time evolution. The only recent 
study which I remember in this direction is that of the Paris 
scholar, Prof. Louis B/enou who, in his monograph on 
Candragomin's Grammar, arrives at the conclusion that this 
grammarian has incorporated certain new innovations whicli 
have already taken place in Sanskrit subsequent to its standardi- 
sation by the famous triumvirate before the 1st century B. 0, 
Our grammarians will generally look with askance at such 
forms, and it is to the credit of Candragomin that he fearlessly 
incorporated the features of the language current as it was 
during his own period in his grammar, and did not slavishly 
follow his predecessors by merely changing the technical terms 
and the order of the aphorisms. 

As we have observed above, the slow changes in the morpho- 
logy of Sanskrit have been effected through the selective process 
exerted by the influence of some important local popular dialect 
at a period when it assumed some political or cultural 
importance. To a greater extent, and naturally, the vocabulary 
of Sanskrit has been modified and extended by such influence. 
I have indicated elsewhere in great detail, so far as the verbal 
bases of Sanskrit are concerned, that a large percentage of them 
have been incorporated into Sanskrit through hypersanskritiza- 
tion of MIA. forms. Moreover a good percentage of the 
substantives have also been derived in this manner. I shall 
refer just to one instance of such incorporation, particularly in 
late Sanskrit, as found recorded in a medieval Sanskrit lexicon ; 
angonchah, angonchanam in the lexicon form indicates * a towel " 
and it is derivable either from a Sk. -unchati ' rubs off \ a con- 
tamination of uksdh; uksdte * sprinkles ' and unchati * gleans \ 
proksati * sprinkles \ pronchati * wipes out * ; or from MIA. 
*anga-punchana- > *anga-unchana- through hypersanskritisa- 
tion. This is really a very important process from the point of 

Influence of Popular QMttls on Sanskrit 23 

view of evolving Sanskrit as a national cultural language of 
India , for the power of Sanskrit to increase its already rich 
vocabulary by such hypersanskritisations or even learned bor- 
rowings or loanwords from the dialectical material actually 
current in the land is a fact which favours its adoption as a 
medium of interprovinclal communication and a common 
language of the country as a whole. For whatever be its present 
position, it is still the chief source from which the modern 
vernaculars draw their life blood, and in this sense, according 
to Prof. S. K. Chatter ji, Sanskrit cannot be considered as a 'dead* 
language in the sense that Latin is * dead *. And even if we 
raise it to the status of a national language today, there can be 
no objection because it is actually the source of Aryan-Dravi- 
dian India. 

It is interesting to note here that in a Ciiinese-Sanskrit 
lexicon composed by Li Yen in the 8th century A, D. we find 
recorded several Central Asian words like kuria * shirt' as pure 
Sanskrit words. These lexicons have been edited by Dr. Bagchi 
of the Calcutta University and their linguistic importance has 
been indicated in a paper read by Dr. Chatterji at the Tirupati 
Oriental Conference. I only refer to these works here as indi- 
cating the extensiveness of the field of investigation which we 
have before us in order to understand the influence of popular 
dialects in the evolution of Sanskrit subsequent fco the activities 
of the Munitraya and in spite of them. Similarly the Greek 
loanwords in Sanskrit have ben discussed by Weber in his paper 
contributed to the first volume of the Indian Antiquary in 1872* 
Recently Paul Thirae has indicated a number of Persian words 
which have entered the lexicon of Sanskrit, and even Arabic has 
contributed a number of important vocables to Sanskrit Although 
their number is small, their entry in the language of the gods is 
significant, and points out to the fact already established above 
that it has in itself the capacity of still growing and becoming 
even a more important medium for the dissemination of Indian 
culture, and perhaps the most powerful instrument of research in 
the future regeneration of our country* 

24 Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Another important aspect of Sanskrit vocabulary was 
out by Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji during the Baroda session 
of the Oriental Conference where he discussed the nature of 
some * translation compounds/ Thus inj tundi-cela both words 
indicate the same idea, one being the translation of the other* 
similarly Sk. karenu may also be considered as a compound can- 
sisting of two members the first of which may be taken as the 
exact equivalent of the second, indicating an elephant We maj 
compare the current expression in the local dailies , danga-maiti 
as an even more significant translation compound of a similar 
type. Thus Sanskrit has introduced a new category in its vocfi- 
bulary on the basis of popular influence where both members 
indicate a common idea, but may or may not belong to the same 
source. Here is an evidence of popular influence which cannot 
be doubted, and the number of such vocables is increasing in 
proportion to the advance made in the etymology of Sanskrit 

It has been demonstrated with considerable success that 
many of the new culture words have been borrowed by Sanskrit 
and Sanskritic languages from Dravidian or Austro-Asiatic. 
Thus besides the IE. aiva- ' horse ? Sk. has borrowed a new word 
ghota - or ghotaka - as early as the 4th century B. C., and one 
famous acarya of Kamasastra is already known as Gf-hotakamukha 
to Vatsyayana. Similarly in addition to the Sk. word istalja 
for brick, attested in Iranian also, Przyluski has demonstrated 
that the modern IA word for * brick ' in India is ultimately 
derived from Austro-Asiatic. We may hesitate to accept every 
conclusion of such great importance to the concept of IA. culture 
on such slender evidence ? but if the evidence accumulates on 
allied cultural topics we cannot neglect the import of such 
evidence. Ths words for plantain, betel leaf, etc. as also the 
word for plough' and ' mustard ' seem to have come to Sanskrit 
through the same source. These are fairly early examples of 
incorporation by Sanskrit. If the entire history of Sanskrit can 
be unravelled by research we shall probably find a fairly good 
percentage of such incorporation. 

Thus while Sanskrit has influenced the linguistic, spiritual 
and cultural life of more than two continents, it has in that 

Influence of Popular Dialects on Sanskrit 25 

slow but continuous process imbibed within itself traces of such 
contact, and made its own a large part of the vocabulary and 
grammatical features. It has itself developed from Its original 
shell and spread its branches all over India and the East, and 
contributed not a little to European culture of the lanfc three 
renturiei?. In this enlargement of its original scope and 
provenance it has broken from the shackles confining it, by the 
tctivities of generations of Indians and outsiders. The extent 
o which it has been influenced by the popular dialects is itself 
t measure of the greatness of the language to make small 
soncessions while preserving 1 in-tact all its chief characteristics. 
t is this aspect of the Indian genius which has kept the torch of 
ndian civilisation burning for well nigh four thousand years : 
tamely making small concessions which do not affect the 
eniuH of tbe language or the culture but keeping: solidly the 
aajor aspects of both and thereby influencing the other streams 
come into contact with it. 

We are today i'aced with deep problems which are bound to 
ffect the very basis of our existence in this country. It is 
ecessary for us to face them with courage, foresight and 
atience and unflinching- idealism. Sanskrit offers for us the 
urest medium not only to interpret the solution of many of 
aem, but also to bring together the many divergent elements 
a a cultural unity which is the precursor of all other solu- 
tons ; and just as it succeeded in the ancient past to weld 
)gether both Prearyan and Predravidian and bring into 
xistence a unique Indian culture, so also will it develop a new 
ultural unity which will give to the post-war reconstruction 
r the world a new orientation. But much work is necessary 
>r the accomplishment of that great purpose ; it is a matter for 
>ngratulation that the activity of this Institute is progressively 
thieving a part of this objective and let me hope that its 
mtribution to the cultural regeneration of our country will 
j in proportion to the magnitude of its critical edition of the 
reat Epic. 

One such work which is essential for the study of Sanskrit 
its space-time context; is a new dictionary on scientific 
4 [Atmml*. B. O. R, I. J 

26 Awk o/ Ife 

principles and I have written about it in several papers 
contributed to various journals, I am glad to find that there | 
great activity in learned circles to cooperate whole hearWlj 
in this work of national importance, May this Institute wfel 
commemorates the name of an A'w Papi, a veritable r&, 
succeed in reviving the spirit of the ancient m and help in 
unifying the present divergent tendencies in a cultural unify 
significantly embedded in the central theme of the Great Ipfy 
which shall bring the Kingdom of Heaven upon Earth, an 
Song of the Lord to the heart of every living creature, 


( From A, D. 1750 to 1942 ) 

P. K. GODE, M.A. 

Aufrechfc makes no mention of an author of the name Jl 
tfho flourished in Mahurustra in the latter half of the 18fch 
lentury and the first quarter of the 19th century. Mr. S, B. 
)iksh*.t, however, records some information about him in his 
history of Indian Astronomy 1 but his account is confined to 
^ghava's works on jyotts only. I propose, therefore, to record 
a this paper some more information about the family and 
:enealogy of this author together with a description of his works 
dtherto unknown to the historians of Sanskrit literature. 

In the library of the Scindia Oriental Institute 2 two Mss of 

1 Pub, at Poona, 1896, pp. 297-298 I note here some points from 
fr Dikshit's account of BSghava and his works . 

(1) BSghava ( JR ) was the resident of Parole in KhSndesh to the 
outh of Tapi river. He also resided at Punyastcmbha ( Puntambe ) m the 
Jimadnagar District, where he composed some of his works, 

( 2 ) R'B surname was Khnndekar and his father's name was Apapant. 

( 3 ) He composed the ganitagranthas ?t?f |% and qr^f^I^ and a jataka- 
rantha called tj^fff^i?g^^ 

( 4 ) fer^r^ was composed in &aka jf7JJ = A. D. IS 10* 

( 5 ) q^i*TT3r was composed in Saka 17J9-A* D. ISll, at Puntambe. He 
iso composed a commentary on it. 

^r was completed at Puntambe in &aka 1740- A. D. ISIS. 

commentary on it was composed by sjfq-f JiR^W son of r ^, of the surname 
f^ This commentator resided at ^^\ village ( ^cutRTiTf^^ ). 

3 List of Ujjain Mss, 1941, p. 44 These Mas were ^copied in Samvat 
'94 or S'aka 1750 = A, D. 1S$7 9 A Ma of ?^f 1% dated Saka, 1738 = A. D. 

16 is available in the B. B. R. A. Society ( Ms No. 227 H. D* Velankar's 
atalogue ). 

28 Annals of the Bhandark&r Oriental Research Institute 

Rghava ? s %cT^fS copied in A. D, 1888 have been deposited 
recently. Apaji Raghunath ( = Raghava ) Khandekar, the son 
of R&ghava published a lithograph edition of this work in 1889. 
Sivaratn 1 Apaji Khandekar, the grandson of Raghava, showed me 
a copy of this edition on 10th September 1942 and kept at my 
disposal some Mss of the works of Raghava. As these works 
are not known to Sanskrit scholars I have thought it advisable 
to record below some details regarding these Mss, and the in- 
formation they furnish regarding Raghava' s literary activity 
towards the close of the rule of the Peshwas in Maharastra and 
the advent of the British Raj in India. 

Some years ago Vaidya Sivaram Khandekar published a list 
of Rghava's works so far discovered. He has handed over to me 
a copy of this printed list which records the following works * 


( 2 ) fNfar* > published in 1889. 2 

{ 3 4 ) M<RNrr%3&r ) 

( 4 ) sttsnstcNr ( s^ro ) SWTO^ only available. This is a 
Sanskrit lexicon arranged according to finals. Kaghava 
illustrates in this lexicon the different meanings of words in 
self-composed verses of high poetic value. These verses are 
composed in a variety of metres. The SrT^Hr of this lexicon has 
not yet been available to Vaidya Sivarampant, who informs me, 
however, that some verses from this grfRTsr or rljcfrsre^ of this 

* SivarSm p5ji was born on 2nd January 1884. He maintains the 
tradition of Sanskrit learning established by his grand-father Raghava. He 
passed his Matriculation in 1909. He has studied Sanskrit according to 
shastric methods and has studied Ayucveda also. He has been practising 
as an Ayurvedio physician at Nasik for several years. He has collected as 
many Mss of his grand-father's works as he could discover in his family 
records and elsewhere* At present he is engaged in publishing Raghava's 
" ^!STH% ?> a lexicon so far unknown to Sanskritists. His Nasik address 
f s : Khandekar's WSd5, Aditwar Feth ( House Nos. 817-818 ). 

f| Evidently Mr. S. B. Dikshit in his History of Indian Astronomy 
pabhihed in 1S9S has made use of these published editions of 1889. Aufrecht 
( GGi, 321 ) mentions q^i^f^^i ( jyotis ) by a son of Vasudeva ( Bikaner 

Rdghava ApH KbtLndekar of Puny&stambhz 29 

lexicon have been quoted In an edition of the Amarakosa 
published by the N. S. Press, Bombay. ] 

( 5 ) 3T*^TSrerf* tfSTft ( 13 ) 5Trpgt3?r ( Ms ) 

( 6 ) ^un^^r^r ( Ms ) ( 14 ) snnrenra^r ( Ms ) 

( 7 ) es'sirroTSTcra ( Ms ) ( 15 ) sfr r%^?ftw^ ( Ms ) 

( 8 ) ^TglpmfeTrra ( Ms ) ( 16 ) %5^ r r*^F$rc?r ( Ms ) 

( 9 ) 8*mfi& arm ( Ms ) ( 17 ) * 
( 10 ) srrar <r5T5rra^F 

^Tt^ ( Ms ) ( 18 ) sft rrsr^m *tt3T ( Ms ) 

{ 11 ) qfrrcnr- ( Ms ) ( 19 ) sfr ^wrsrnn^' ( Ms ) 

( 12 ) sfr i^Nwre^ ( 20 ) Fr 'TTP?^ 

I shall now describe the Mss. s of some of these works made 
available to me by Vaidya Khandekar * 

1 In spifce of financial difficulties Vaidya Khandekar has succeeded in 
publishing the JT^RS^S" f ^r^ri^W, with the help of Shrimant Bab&sabeb 
Ghorpade, the Chief Saheb of Ichalkaranji and other patrons of Sanskrit 
learning in Maharastra. 

3 This is not a work of Raghava. A Ms of this work belonged to 
Baghava and is found in his collection* 

It begins : " affq^TF^q-; \\ 

SH B^I^: ^f?r?n^ n ? u " 

It ends : 

li ? 

11 i u i 

fg?fR ^ u * n " -After 

this the Ms has the following endorsement in different ink : " \\ 


Dr. R. G. Harshe has described two Mss of the works of RSgbava ApS 
Khan4ekar in the Gorhe collection of the Deccan College Research Insti- 
tute, Poona ( Vide p, 28 of his Cata. of this collection, Poona 1942 ). These 

Mss are :-( 1 ) ftPwi^ffR: b ^ ^ 5 g hava ( Ms Ko * 82 > wWoh is based OQ 
^^^K,t^nt, *IW t tVf^Ff, frfaft*g and ^^ as stated by the 
author in verses 1 and 2 at the beginning of the work; (2) ^wmgft 
( Ms No. 83 ) or cr^f^^Wr ^ich is an abridgment by RSghva of his 
jatakapaddhatis as stated by him in verse 1 at the beginning. In the 
colophon the work is called ^l^I%^L ^^f the author of f^mfiFi^ 
is different from our *m *pft. Prof. G V. Devasthah reports a Ms of this 
work which is dated A. D, 1759 ( s'aka 1681 ). 

30 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( 1 ) sfmfT^ifr safer -( 5" x 4' ) folio 3, verses 17. 

Begins: " sfrTW^TC TSTJ II 


STT^TT TfataCTTOf ^mfqrTf TTO^or 

: n \\s \\ 
n u 

2 ) are^rJmJTRTjr^TOsr; ( one folio 12|" x 4^" and 
another 4|" x 6|" ) 10 verses. 

Begins:-" n sfr n 

? n " it ar. ^f. n 


3TTf%*RT f^ rT It ? o || 

( 3 ) 5ra^j7^i: ( folios 20, size 7$' x 5" ) 103 

Begins:-" sronfconr ro ^^^^^ ft^ftwi^mr w 



rr n 


Raghava A pa Khaiidekar of Punyastambha 


: it 


( 4 ) 

Begins: u 


u ^ I 
11 ^ u " 

folio 12 ( 8"*x 5" ) verses 10 L 
. \\ 

: u ? a 
: \ 


^T. 11 H 

( 5 ) 


: folios 12 ( 8" x 5" ) verses 104. 

: u sffoR^rtr ^r^r: \\ 


u ? 

Ends: " 

1! U 

u sTi^g u 
ll u u " ^5 sr u 

( 6 )?ftftTOft: 

Begins:- " 

: Colio 1C, ( H" x 

: H 


: u 

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Ends: " STH: K^ri%*TT^<rcrrq; *Tsrt<Jr rar%nfcTTg; I 

*rra"?rr gar u 

it STTT?<J u fnr jnrrg; n sft^nwar n " 
( 7 ) ?c*nrnHT3Tcfh folio 5, ( 7J" x 51" ) verses 51. 
Begins: " a? i| sfr n sfnriiTJm'q- HH: n 

Ends: " 

r . ^ ? 

T TT%crr 

_ II II 

' II ? II f^T^TTWTOT mnTKmrm \\ >, 

( 8 ) ^llt^TT^TW5?7T^n?i ~ folios 4 ( 7JL x 48' \ _ 

verses. s 3 y 

Begins: " sfn 

n ? n 



\ i > > 

9 . x 


n * M 

Raghava Apa KMndekar of Punyastambha 35. 

tf4W ^rnfa" 3f|*4*fa^: 11 ^ II " 
( 10 ) aiTOf^T^rasKT gaffer ' folios 7 ( 8* x 4J*) verses 

Begins: " 3* ft II 3? Mr^Snjnrqr ^w: u 


li ? II " 




( 11 ) flTOTfi^T^ ( STSTH ^Tf ) folios 8 ( 
verses 56. 

' u 

ins: ^fr^TT^r H?T: u 

: n ^ft^r^- ?m: u 


4| 1 4 rTK ct >ai *l d, 

u H^ u 

: u stf^aipanT^ri u 

( 12 ) fjTOn^ra ( IcfFT H*T ) folio 6 ( 8' x 4|' ) 
Begins: '< ^fWJRTt" ^^R*: li ^frvRl^^f^T^TW 'nr: (9 

| Annals, B. O. R. I. ] 

Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 


: "n ^ n 

r: it " 

( 13 ) frsrf^rrer ( ^rn^i ^ffi ) folios 7 ( 8" * 3|" ) verses 


: u ? u " 


u H u 

( 14 ) rnvra^ncT^^ folios 29 ( 9 1' x 5' ) 
( 1 ) STOW 'Enf verses 48 * : 

Colophon oti/oKb 6 
srsanr; ^nr: " 

Raghava Apa Kbdndskar of Puiiyastambha 35 

( 4 ) '^gsT qgr*T 'verses 21 

Colophon on folio 12" srr 

( 5 ) q^TJT ^ verses 21 

Colophon on folio 14 u 

( 6 ) ^S" ^HT verses 9 

Colophon on folio lo** 

( 7 ) ^THTT ^ verses 34 

Colophon on fcho is" 

( 8 ) 3T^ri=r ^ verses 12 

Colophon on folio 20 " 

( 9 ) H^IT ^nft verse 8 

Colophon on folio 21* 

( 10 ) ^3T*r ^PT verses 17 

Colophon on folio 22 " 

( 11 ) q:^Tcr^r ^nr verses 13 

Colophon on folio 25 " 

( 2 ) %mr *nr verses 23 

Colophon on folio " wm^&qwf r%fr*r: 
( 3 ) <?r*T ^PT verges 1^ 

Colophon on folio jf# " 

( 12 ) S[r^T ^OT verses 30 

This poem in 12 cantos coufcainsin all 250 verses, 
The Ms Begins : 

; u ^rqfg^r^rr^ *w: n 

5 6 Annals of the shandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

1 1 " 

This is the first verse of Jayadeva's Gltagovinda. It is follow- 
ed by three more verses. The poefe then states his method and 
purpose in writing this Kavya ? 

^nfh?it rar^ ^r cfr^rf^f f^r^* wn^ \ 

H u 

II ^ |l 

. ,-.,,*. , .,*> > . -r iTiTTirVr . L .?. nrr - ^>. _^UL k 

*iidHi ^Ft'q^cl i Tb M WiMT^^^T ^Tt<S> f ^i nt* I 

u ^ u 

II " 

The Ms ends : 

qroft q 

n ^^ U 

TTH ^ ll 

T: * u ^ u I? 
n * u " 

Raghava Ap& Khdndekar of Piniyastambha 37 

( 15 ) 55*TTf%cT 3HST folios 34, ( 7" x 4f * ) verses 330. 
Ms is incomplete. 


: t 

u ? ll " 

" ^RTarr^%?T%^3f^^gcn^t f ^^r: I 

*i*Ti^ 1 1 lf*V<s t-d^HT^H^TH q t ti7t^TT H ^o (1 

On folios 10-11 our poet possibly refers to Peshwa Bajirao II 
of Poona in the following verse : 

u ?^? n " 

Our poet was a contemporary of Peshwa Bajirao II. He 
was a highly religious person and consequently entertained 
some contempt for the contemporary Pandits at Bajirao's court 
as will be seen from the last two lines of the above stanza which 
state that spiritually inclined persons ( *TTW ! &Ern*T<ft*" ) should 
avoid ( f^TT: ) the court Pandits of Bajlraj ( ^snTT^onwr- ) and 
amorous women ( f%nr 3nipFT ). 

( 16 ) ^*rn^ 3TT?ri ( in Marathi ) folios 8 ( 7f x 4f )- 
verses ( 55 + 5 ) 

Begins: " ^frjrar^rrq- q-jn il 

it ? n 
Ends on folio S: 

f^TrfT ^fteT ^ 

i%1mr ^ 

38 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

folio S a* II fr I 

fr qr'sf^' *r*n*r IO^TT u 

Nr *r ^rr r^r rr ^rs^ r ^ r^r^rr u H it 

In the arya 5 above tlie poet states that a wise man should 
not visit a royal court where the cour tiers are absolutely 
devoid of the moisture of human kindness and in case he visits 
such a court he should nob utter a single word- This general 
advice seems to contain a criticism of Bajirao's courtiers, who 
must have been apathetic to our poet. Raghava, though, learned, 
was highly religious and as such was not perhaps well received 
at the court of Bajirao II, who is referred to in the following 
of this work : 

folio 2 4 * irft ^T^T 3n%%T ^Tgrf% snf^croT^r \ 

U ?^ M 

t mg^T T fTtre*ricT 3T5T^T ^T^ It 
HR ^??TT ^ ^T^T^ \ 

^r ^f% ^^T^ u ?H n " 

Perpaps these verses contain a criticism of a guru ( 5^57% ) 
of Bajirao Peshwa. This guruji was not evidently virtuous as 
his qrropc or treasure of sins is referred to by our poet Perhaps 
the following ary on folio 1 contains a criticism of Bajirao's 

When the husband is totally blind the amours of a deer- 
eyed lady are in vain ; in the B ame manner when the king is 
atupid or unintelligent, clever and wise persons should not 
serye him, as he is unfit for such purpose. Students of Maratha 
may perpaps be able to throw some light on the relation 
Poet to Bajirao's courtiers and the reason why h 
-- J no respect for them. 

Raghava Apa Kbandekar of Punyastambha 39 

( 17 ) ^*ni?cT 3?pqr?: folios 40 ( 7" x if ) verses 381. 

: N a? u ?ft n 

*ft ^OT jnrnf^nrs ^15 it ? u 

Ends on folio 40 a 

ti <? u " 

This anthology is identical with that described above under 
No. 15 but contains some additional verses. The verse ( No. 101 ) 
containing a reference to snsfhrsr ^nfTRr?* appears as No. 97 
in this Ms and reads as follows - 

folio 11 " 337 *TT 


it i\$ u n 

Occasionally some non-Sanskrit verses are inserted by th 
poet in this anthology. The following specimen I am unable to 
understand * 

folio 14 *'fi i Td f H r/tesiraxM uf ^ i 

u 3\* \\ n 

( 18 ) 3fl*RF3T folios 6 ( 8* x 5" ) verses 63. 
Begins: " ^fr^nrf^nr^ ?m: u sfr^r^Ni^^i'^rf ;: w: it 

H u ? H " 
Ends: ^^r^^^snrarcnfr^^ I 


40 Annals of the handarkat Oriental Research Institute 

It appears from a perusal of this work that our poet had be- 
come thoroughly Vedantic in his spiritual views, when he com' 
posed the work. 

( 19 ) ^T5rf$53TTcT3r folios 3 1 ( 6|" * 4" ) ve rses are not 

Begins: " sfuiuUnq- *m: \\ sfrenrcgnwj 1 ^TTT; u 
a? m^*fr3T5rr**ri *nr: n 

: n 

Ends: <l 


RJS^ ^rrerr u ? u 

I) ^ft^cm^WT tl " 

The name of the author is not found in the Ms of the work 
described above. 

( 20 ) gi^TTa^: 9 verses copied from the original Ms by 
Yaidya S. A. Khandekar. 

Begins & fT7T3t*re7 II *ff n 

II ? U " 


n ^ 

r s works made available 
S. A. Khandekar he showed me a sheet of p*per 

Rdghava Ap& Rh&qdekar of Pun\a$tambha 

( 18" x 6" ) containing the sTnrTH^nw 1 of TT'Efntcr *3ri"3C who is 
identical with TT^Saf^f ^tlt^T. The details of the date pertain* 
ing to the STpsrnrew recorded in this document give us Friday, 
14th April 1758 as the time of conception ( or 3*r<*R ). Raghava 
Kavi must have been born in December 1758 or BO if the amTR 
!^r referred to above is correct. At any rate his birth date is 
not much removed from A. D. 1758. I shall now record below 
the chronology of his works and their copies * 

A. D. 


Particulars E 

y = Raghava Apa Khandekar 

1758 1680 

Birth of R. 

1800 1723 

R about 42 years old. 

1803 1725 

A Ms 2 of ?rf 

35%'\ ^nJrfrTTsr^T^'RC copied at 

*""* .-- L J \ 1 J I- "C* 

r^"=fa^tifr*^ and belonged to /. 



A Ms 3 of sft^ 

scfr qFr^S^^^^^ copied by R. 



R composed 

^Ste^pre? Ujjain MSB of A. D. 


; BBRAS Ms of A. D. 1816. 

18 17 


R composed <t 

^TTT^ 5 Ms Qf ^^TmT^TcT^ by 




R completed his q^far^nNsT at PwiLtambe. 



Ms of srrg^ro 

r^tcT^ by R. 



Ms of ^TcTsgrspi 

r by R. 



Ms of wfra?Fn 

^cftg" by R belonging to 



Ms of ^airwW- 

CTQicfr by R. 

1 This ^j reads as follows : u 

^ T. ? v 


Vide pp. 26-27, De$. Cat a. of Q-orhe Collection by Dr. R. G. 
College Kesearch Institute, Poona, 1942 ) Ms No, is. 


Ibid. Ms No. 79, 
6 [ Annals, B. O* R, 

42 Awak 0/ tk Eknkfkr Omtil watch I 

IfiDJWisthe date of Baghava's birth he must lave 
been about 60 years old when he composed in A, D, l$i$ ^ 
rffflj^ at Ppffi* in the Ahmadnagar District, Presuming 

^ ' v w\***41JUjij| 

therefore, that he lived about 20 years more we get about A, D, 
M or tiffi as the later limit to his life-period, 

Vaidya Sivararapant Khandekar tells me thai; he is the grand- 
son of Baghava Apa Khandekar born in A, D, 1758 and that ie 
himself was born in A, D, 1881, This statement results in 
greater longevity for both the father and the grand-father of 
Sivarampant than what we generally assign to each individual 
We have to accommodate between A,D, 1758 and 1912 ( a span 
of 184 years) three individuals, one of which is now 58 years old 


Genealogy of Baghava Kam Kha%$ekar 
( Between 1758 and 1943 A. D. ) 


( of Parhole ) 

i i 

(ft) Born A. 0.1758 fasm* (of Sayle) 

nr^rsfr I 



(of Dhuiia) 


(of Parhole) 

f n (of Parhole) (of Nasik 
(x^rwrrf) 1945) 



(Indore) (Indore) 




^ __ 



jjof Indore) 

I am thankful to Vaidya S. A. Khandekar for giving me the above 
Genealogy of Raghava Kavi Khandekar for publication, 

P. K. Qode, 

44 Am&h of tk Bhandarhr Oriental Research Institute 

Family Da 

Natiw Place Originally this JQtandekar family belonged to 
Sayale in the Sangameshwar Taluka of the Ratna- 
giri District of the Bombay Presidency, Then 
some of its members migrated to Parhole (Dist. 
Khandesh } and Purttambe ( Dist. Ahmadnagar ) 

Gotra etc. 


Birth date of Ragfaw Kavi : Sunday, 17th December 1758. 

Horoscope ( 

) : " fKfat 

: II 

mfefi? r. 


This horoscope 
is in the hand- 
writing of 
RSghava Kavi 



What has been commonly accepted as the chief text 1 of the 
doctrine of Transmigration admits of two natural divisions/ 
the one part dealing with the * five fires ' and the other with the 
* two ways ' ; while according to the former theory, sraddhn 
seems to be primarily responsible for the Soul's return to earth, 
it is this alone that, according to the latter, leads to Brahman 
without return \ the former theory appears to assume the absence 
of any recompense in the other world for, according to it, the 
Soul, after having journeyed to Heaven, returns almost immedia- 
tely, to a new existence through the five transitory stations- 
heaven, atmosphere, earth, father and mother ; but, to the latter, 
while those traversing through the northern path of the Sun 
reach Brahman, not to return to earth again, those that go 
through the southern path go to the Moon, stay there till their 
deeds permit and return to earth by the very way through which 
they went up. 

The ' doctrine of the two ways ' which is essentially based on 
the conception that, at death, it is only the body that is destroy- 
ed and that the Soul continues its existence to reap the conse- 
quence of its deeds, speaks of two ways, 2 the way of the gods 

1 Ch. Up , V. 10. 5 ff. ; the same occurs in the Br. Up. ( VI, 2. 6 ft } with 
minor variations and in a somewhat briefer form. 

8 Deussen ( Philosophy of the Upani$ads t p. 333) makes a chronological 
distinction between these two parts, and would call that teaching the 
doctrine of the * five fires ' as the earlier portion, and the other as the later* 
The Nirukta ( XIII, 19 ff. ) makes a curious jumble of these two parts in the 
course of its account of the doctrine of Transmigration, 

3 op. Bhagavadglia, VIII, 24 ff , where distinction is made between those 
that die in the uttarayana ( northward course of the Sun ) and those that die 
during daksinayana ( southward course of the Sun ), The story in the Haha- 
bharata ( XI. 119 96 ft ) that Bhtqma waited till uttarayana to breathe his 
last is based on the same conviction. 

46 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( Devayana ) and the way of the fathers ( Pitryana ) j those who 
know the doctrine of the five fires ( pancagnividya ) or who rnedi* 
tate with faith upon Satya are the people who are privileged to 
travel by the former path which leads them to the gods or to the 
Absolute Brahman ; when, at death, their body is burnt on the 
pyre, the Soul enters the flame, then the day, the bright-half of 
the month, the six months when the Sun moves northward, the 
year, 1 the Sun, the Moon, the lightning, and finally, led by a 
superhuman person (amanavah purusah ), Brahman, never more 
to return to earth ; but those whose merit consists only in the 
performance of philanthropic acts like sacrifice ( yajna ), bounty, 
( dana ), and penance ( tapas ) have to travel, at death, by the 
other path ; their Soul first enters the smoke of the pyre, then 
the night, the dark-half of the month, the six months when the 
Sun moves southward, the world of the Fathers (pitrloka} 
in lieu of the year, the ether and finally the Moon which is the 
final destination for these Souls and not a mere stage of transit 
as in the previous case. Here the departed Souls remain for a 
time enjoying the rewards of their good deeds in company with 
the pitrs. This enjoyment lasts only as long as the store of 
Karma permits, and after that is exhausted they return to earth 
by the very path through which they went up. After regaining 
the state of smoke, they get the form of mist, then cloud, rain, 
plants and food. The remaining stages which finally bring 
about the rebirth are very difficult, for this can happen only 
when they are eaten as food and emitted as seed into the womb, 
and the quality of their birth also depends on the nature of their 
conduct in their previous existence ; those of good conduct are 
reborn as a brahman, or a ksatriya or a vaiya as the degree of 
the virtue allows, and those of stinking conduct are reborn as a 
dog, or a hog, or as an outcast ( candala ). 2 

tJ. A COr ?* ng , to the *r. OP- (VI. 2. 15), after the soul passes through 
the six months during the northward course of the Sun, it enters the world 
lT^ 0) ' then th Sun andthe Waning fire. A person 

^^rr^ entera these regicms f h hta * and C D - 

ul to the world of Brahma where it stays forever 

Oh. U*. V. 10. 7; the Mr. Op. omits to make this distinction among 
( continued on the next page ) 

t)evayftna and Pitrydna 47 

We will now see how much of this Upanisadic doctrine of fehe 
' two ways ? was familiar to the Bgvedic Aryans. The word 
Devayana occurs thirteen times in all in the different cases* 
Sayana understands the word in two broad senses; either it 
means the sacrificial offering which is intended for the gods l or 
which leads the devotee to the gods ; 2 or the path which leads to 
the gods, 3 or by which men travel to meet the gods, 4 or by which 
the gods travel to secure the offerings of their worshippers. 5 
G-rassmann understands the word only in two senses. His mean- 
ings 6 run thus (1) Zu den Q-ottern seinen Gang nehmend ( afford- 
ing the journey to the gods ) ; ( ) den G-ottern zum Gauge 
dienend (serving the gods in their journey). But Roth and 
Bohtlingk understand the word exactly in the same way as 

( continued from the previous page ) 

the Souls returning from tbe Moon. The Kau&takl Upantsad ( L 2 fF ) 
seems to reconcile the two Upamsads when it makes all Souls go first, 
without exception, to the Moon. There the Souls are judged and, according 
to the result, they go either by the Devayana which leads to Brahman 
without return, or take up a new birth * of a worm, or & fly, or a fish, or a 
bird, or a line, or a boar, or a serpent, or a tiger, or a man, or something 
else ; cf. Socrates who remarks in the Phaedo that those who on earth have 
followed after gluttony and wantonness and drunkenness, without the least 
thought of avoiding them, would pass after death into asses and animals of 
that sort, and those following injustice, tyranny and violence into wolves, 
hawks or kites, while those practising virtues like temperance and justice 
pass into some gentle and social kind like their own, suoh as bees or waapa 
or ants, or back again into the form of man ( Jowett, Dialogues of Plato, II. 
225 ff. ). 

1 I. 162. 4, 
3 X. 181. 3. 
8 VII, 76 2. 

* VII. 38, 8 ; X. 51. 2 & 5 , 98 11. 

" I. 72. 7 ; 183. 6 ; 18* 6 ; IV. 37. 1: V. 43. 6 , X. IS. 1. 
6 Worterbuch zum ftgveda, p. 635 ; the iollowing explanatory note is 
added at the end of the second of these meanings : ton den wegcn auf denen 
sic vom Himmel herabkommen und zu ihm hinaufsteigen, nnd dtf* dahcr auch 
der einzuschlagen hat, der zu ihnen hinauf will, According to this note, the 
second meaning is given about the paths by which they ( gods ) come down 
from Heaven and go up to it, and which, therefore, be too who desires to go 
up to it ( Heaven ) has to tread. 

48 Annals of the Sbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Sayana when they interpret 1 the word to mean ( 1 ) Zu den 
O'ottern gehend, strebend ; ( 2 ) O-ottern zum Wandel, Verkehr, 
Aufenthalt dienend ; so heissen namentlich die pfade, auf welchen die 
htmmlischen herniederstoeigen, opfer zu ihnen gelangen, uberhautf 
der Verkehr zwischen Him mel und Erde geht ; ( 3 ) der zu den 
Gottem fuhrende Weg. 

The word Pitryana occurs but once in the Rv.; the following 
verse ( X. 2. 7 ) gives the context ; 

Yam tva dyavaprthivl yam tvapas tvasta yam tvS sujanima 

jajana \ 
PanthSm anu pravidvan pitryanam dyumad agne 

samidhano vi bhahi U 

In this verse, Agni who has been engendered by Heaven and 
Earth, by the Waters, by Tvastr, by the glorious Creator, and 
who is cognisant of the path, the road of the pUrs, is requested 
to shine brilliantly on being kindled. Sayana translates the 
word pitrya'na which occurs in the third quarter of this verse to 
mean * the path by which the Fathers travel'. G-rassmann follows 
Sat/aria when he also interprets 2 the word to mean * the path 
by means of which the spirits of ancestors move 7 ( von den 
G-eistern der Ahnen betreten). So do Roth and Bohtlingk when 
they take s the word in the sense of * that by which the manes 
travel 7 ( #on den Manen belreten ). 

Keith seems to base his conclusion entirely on the evidence 
of the three meanings of Devayana mentioned above when he 
remarks* that " the Devayana, originally in the Bgveda the path 
by which the sacrifice of a man was borne to the gods or by 
which they came for it, and by which on death he joined the 
Fathers and the gods in Heaven, is transformed into the path 
by which the Soul goes to the gods or lo the Absolute ". But 
there are evidences in the Rgveda itself to show that the seers 
knew something more about the " two paths " than they are 
usually considered to know. The Devayana is described as 
lustrous in the following verses : 

1 Sanskrit Worttrbuch, III. 753. 
3 op. cit t , p. 815. 

8 op. cit t > IV. 719; of. A. A. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p. 171. 
4 Religion and Philosophy of the Veda, p. 575. 

Pra me pantba devayana adrsrann amardhanto vasubhir 

iskrtasah t 
Abhud u ketur usasah purastat pratlcy agad adbi 

harmyebhyah U ' 
Ko ma dadarsa kataraali sa devo yo me tanvo bahudha 

paryapasyat \ 
Kvaha mitravaruna ksiyanty agner vlsvah saraidho 

devayanlh. U t 
Ehi manur devayur yajuakamo ? ramkrfcya iamasi ksesy 

ague I 
Sugan pathaL krnuhi devayanan vaha havyani 

sumanasyamSnah \\ 5 

In the first-half of the first; verse, the seer says that he has 
beheld the paths leading to the gods ((Jeuayftna), innocuous and 
glorious with light ( vasubhir iskrtasah ). In the second-half 
of the second verse, Agni is made to ask Mitra and Varuna if 
there exist any people who have seen his manifold forms which 
serve as the luminous vehicle of the gods ( samidhah devayanlh ). 
In the second and third quarters of the last verse, the fully 
lustrous Agni is requested to make straight the paths traversed 
by the gods ( aramkrtya tamasi ksesy ague sugan pat hah krriuJn deva- 
yanan), thereby suggesting that he should illumine those paths 
which on account of their darkness are otherwise hard to cross, 

These passages clearly point out that the Ugvedic seers were 
fully conversant with the idea that the Deuitjana is * lustrous \ 
In the Upanisads we find, as noticed already, 4 that the * bright- 
ness ? of this path is specially emphasized in contrast with the 
other which is always associated with darkness. When, there- 
fore, we see that the Rgvedic seers are already aware of this 
conception, the conclusion is obvious that this idea is not the 
creation of the TTpanisadic period but was adopted from earlier 

1 VII. 76. 2. 

2 X. 51. 2. 

3 X. 51. 5. 

1 Supra, pp. 45 ff. 

7 I Annals, B, O. R, I. j 

50 Annals of the JBhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

That these seers are familiar also with the Upanisadic idea 
that the Demyana is the path of the immortals, and that one who 
would attain to the world of gods or to immortality must pass 
through Agni, becomes clear on examination of the following 
passages from the Rv. : 

Param rartyo anu parehi pantham yas te sva itaro 

devayanat i 
Caksusrnate srnavate te bravlmi ma nah prajarn rlriso 

mota vlran II ! 

Etany agne navatim sahasra sam pra yaccha vrsna Indraya 

bhagam I 
Vidvn patha rtuso devayanan apy aulanam divi devesu 

dhehi U 
Vidvan agne vayunani ksitlnam vyanusak surudho 

jlvase dhaii | 

Antarvidvan adhvano devayanan atandro duto abhavo 

havirvat u f 

In the first verse 4 , Death is asked to depart differently through 
a path which is its own ( yah te svah ) and distinct from the 
path of the gods ( itaro devayanat *). We see here already the Upa- 
nisadic idea that mortality has nothing to do with the Devayana 
and that to traverse by it is to attain to immortality. In the 
second verse, A.gni is credited with the knowledge of the path of 
the Gods and is requested to place Aulana in Heaven among the 
gods. This is a clear anticipation of the Upanisadic conception 
that the Soul whose merit allows it to pass through Devayana, 
first enters the flame of the pyre ( agni ) on its way feo the world 
of Brahman. Aulana ( Sanfcanu ) may be construed as the typical 
human being in Bgvedic India whose merit entitled him to 

1 X.18. 1. 

* X. 98. 11. 

* T, 72. 7. 

* According^ R. B. ftanade ( Constructive Survey of Upanishadic PHilv* 
OP*lf, P 159 n.), the Delay-Una which is mentioned in this verse has the 
Bfcm* seiue as in the Upanisads, and the path which is described here as 

different from* that of the gods must he only the way of the Fathers !. e, 
.; op. Maodonell, op. cit., p. 171. 

Devayana and Pitfyana 5 1 

share Heaven, the world of the Gods, and who could be enabled 
to achieve his reward only through the agency of Agni i. e. 
after his body was cremated at death on the funeral pyre. The 
third quarter of the last verse is taken by Sayana to mean that 
Agni is conversant with the path of the gods ( deoayana ) which 
lies between Heaven and Earth ( dySvaprthivyor madhye janan 
adhvanah margam ... devayanan deta yair margair gacohanti tan 
janann ityarthnh ). If Sayands interpretation here is acceptable, 1 
this verse can be taken as an additional evidence to show that 
the Rgvedic seers knew, long before the Upanisadic age, that the 
Devayana leads to the world of the Gods i. e. Heaven. 

There remain now for consideration those words in the Rv. 
which are frequently employed in that Samhita to denote 'a path' 
or * a way \ Six words answer to this description, but only 
three deserve notice at present. 2 

The word Qatu occurs over 60 times in all in the !Ev. in the 
different case-forms, 48 times independently and 19 times as part 
of a compound. Sayana understands 3 it in a number of senses 
such as * one who moves ', or ' movement ? , or ' a place which 

1 Griffith understands the word antarvidvan to mean ' deeply skilled * 
unlike SSyana to whom it means * knowing as existing between ( Heaven and 
Earth ) *. Grassmann ( Der Rgveda, II, 74 ) supports the former -when he 
takes the word to mean kundig ( skilled ) and translates the whole quarter 
thus : ' Der Wege kundig t die die G-otter wandern *. Though Sayana's explana- 
tion here seems to be pedantic, he is supported by Rv. X. 88. 15 which 
expressly declares that the paths of the gods and fathers lie between 
Heaven and Earth. 

3 The three words omitted here from consideration are patha, pada 
and vayuna; the first occurs over 150 times in the different cases, and is 
mostly taken by Sayana in the sense of inarga ( road or way ) and some- 
times in the figurative sense of * an expedient ' ; but Grassmann ( Worter- 
buch Zum Rgveda, p. 767 ) and Roth and Bohtlingk ( Sanskrit Worterbuch, 
IV. 420 ) understand the word always in the sense of ( path ) or Weg 
( way ) ; the second similarly occurs nearly 100 times in the various cases, 
and generally means * to go ' ( gehen ), 'to stride* or * stalk * ( schreiten ), 
or *to tread " ( tret en ) , the third occurs 34 times in all and is understood in 
various senses ; in three verses at least (II 34. 4 ; VI. 7. 5 ; VICL 66. 8 ) the 
word means ' a path '. But all these occurrences of these three words are of 
little significance in the present context. 

3 cp. Roth and Bohtlingk, op. cit., II. 729. ff. ; Grassmann, op. f *'/ p 

52 dnnals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

deserves approach ' ( gantavyam ), or * path or way ' ( marga ), 
or ' house ' ( grha ) , or happiness ' ( sukha ) , or * earth ' 
( bhumi), or * sacrificial place ? ( yajnamarga ), or an c expedient ? 
( upSya ), or ' attainment of the fruit ' ( philaprapti ), or ' to 
sing or to pray ? ( stotinn ), or ' that which is fit to be sung or 
known ' (stotavyam jnatavyam va ). In the sense of a 'path or way* 
( Gang* bahn ), the word occurs 17 times 1 and of these occur- 
rences the following two verses deserve attention 

Yamo no gatum prathamo viveda naisa gavyufcir 

apabhartava u I 
Yatra nah pnrve pitarah pareyur ena jajnanah. pathya 

auu svah 2 h 
Vl}u cid drlha pitaro na ukthair adrim rjann angiraso 

ravena I 
Cakrur divo brhato gatum asme ahah svar vlviduh 

_ ketutn usralt 3 u 

In the first verse, Yama is described as the first to find out a 
way which is not to be taken away. To this place ancestors of old 
have repaired, and to ifc alone go those born since then, each one 
along his own way -, in the second verse, Angirases, the ancestors, 
are described as having found out the way to Heaven. The 
value of these two passages consists in the definite allusion they 
make to a path which is exclusively used by the ancestors 
{ pitarah ) on their way to Heaven which is no more than the 
place where all the dead meet again after death, 4 in contrast with 
the D4vayana which is used by the gods for their transit, when they 
go to their devotees to receive worship and offerings ( and 
by which men who go to the gods travel ). Nor was 
this path of the ancestors discovered by any god for the help of 
the mortals. Yama or Angiras who is considered to be the dis- 
coverer of this path is no mo*e than the primeval ancestor of 
the Bgvedic seers. In her dialogue with Yama, YamI calls him 

1 I. 71. 2; II 20, 5,; 21. 5; III. 4 4, 31. 9, IV. 55. 4, VI. 30. 3 ; VII. 47 
4 ; 63. 5 ; IX. 85 4 , 96. 10. 15 , 97. 18 , X, 14. 2 , 49. 9 ; 61. 25 ; 99. 8. 

a I. 71. 2. 

Yama, son of Vivasvat, IS thus called ' the assembler of people' (sam- 
gamanam jaitonttm ) f for all the dead go to him (X 14, 1 ). 

Devayana and Pitrydna 53 

1 the only mortal ? ( X. 10. 3 ). In another place ( X. 13. 4 ), 
Yama is said to have chosen death and abandoned his body. 
He passed to the other world, finding out the path for many, 1 
u> where the ancient fathers passed away ( X, 14. 1, 2 ). s first 
and oldest of the dead, Yama could easily be regarded as the 
chief of the dead that followed him* Hence is it perhaps that he 
is frequently 8 denominated ' king \ Yama is sometimes enu- 
merated along with gods like A.gni, s but the facfc remains, that 
in the entire TJgveda, Yama is nowhere expressly called a god. 

The character of Angirases as * ancestors' of the Rgvedic seers 
is still more clearly emphasized. A. single Angiras being re 
garded as their ancestor, they are also termed * sons of Angiras * 
( X. 62. 5). They are frequently spoken of as 'fathers' 
( pitarah ), 4 'our fathers * ( pitaro nah ) 5 or * our ancient fathers ' 
( nah purve pitarah ). 6 They are once (X. 14, 6) mentioned as 
5 fathers' with the Bhrgus and the Afharvans* being especially 
associated with Yama ( X. 14. 3 fif. ). They are said to have 
thought out the first ordinance of sacrifice ( X. 67. 2), and as a 
result of this merit are spoken of as having obtained immorta- 
lity as wfcll as the friendship of Indra, It is, therefore, clear that 
Yama and Angirases are no more than the ancestors of the 
Bgvedic seers 7 . When, therefore, we are fcold that they found as a 
path which leads to a place ( i.e. the world of Yama ) where these 

1 The Av. ( XVIII. 3. 13 ) is more explicit when it says that Yama is 
the first mortal fco die. 

2 X. 14 2, 4, 7 ; 16. 9 ; IX. 113 8. 

3 X. 64. 3; 92.11., Agni, Yama and Mutari&van are ones (1.164,46) 
mentioned together as the names of the One Being. 

4 X. 62. 2; 14.4. 

5 I. 71. 2 ; X. 14. 6, 

6 I. 62. 2. 

7 This is further proved by the fact that Yama and Angirases are also 
taken into account in enumerating the 'ancestors* who strengthened the 
gocla V>v sacrifices, who derived strength by their aid, and, of whom, some 
rejoice ID the call svaha and others in svadha, the call by which the Manes 
are usually invoked (X. 14, 3 ) , of. the Siddhanta Kaumudl on Panini, 
II. 3. 16: namas svasti svaha svadha latfivaqadyogtic ca, which by its illustra- 
tions, agnaye svaha, pttrbhi/as svadha, points out that while the gods are to 

( continued on the next page ) 

54 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Instittrte 

two, in company with their virtuous descendants, enjoy an eternal 
bout ( X. 135, 1 ), we are not far from the Upanisadic conception 
that the sacrificers and philanthropists who travel, at death, by 
the pitryana attain the Moon and enjoy there. The momentari- 
ness of this enjoyment must have been emphasized in the 
Upanisads solely with the purpose of pointing out the inferiority 
of this bliss as compared with that of those who attain Brahman 
and become immortal. This idea is also not unfamiliar to the 
Rgveda which speaks of the Rbhus as having attained * divinity * 
owing to their special merit ( IV. 35. 8 ), and of the Ahgirases as 
having attained immortality for a similar reason ( X. 67. 2 ), 
while Heaven is the reward for all those who practise rigorous 
penance (tapas), for heroes who risk their lives in battle (X, 
154. 2 ff. ), and above all for those who bestow liberal sacrificial 
gifts. l If in the Upanisadic age, one who would attain 
immortality was required to be well-versed in the pancagnividya 
or to meditate with faith upon Satya, this could be achieved in 
the Bgvedic age by people who did wondrous but beneficent 
deeds. The TJbhus, sons of Sudhanvan and grand-sons of a man, 
are thus said to have obtained their divimiy by enlivening a 
dead cow ( IV, 33. 4 ), by making the ladle ( camasa ) four-fold 
( IV* 35. 3 ), and by making their aged parents young ( I, 20, 4), 
and the Angirases are said to have attained their * immorta- 
lity 9 as a reward for having thought out the first ordinance of 
sacrifice. Similarly, if the Vedic Seer attained the privilege of 
enjoyment in the Heaven of Yama for his austerities, or bravery, 
or philanthropy, the Upanisadic Seer obtained the privilege of 
enjoyment in the Pttrloka (L e. the Moon) for his sacrifices and 
philanthropy. The Rgvedic conception of Divinity or immorta- 
lity and Heaven must have, therefore, greatly inspired the 
Upanisadic Devayana and the Pitryana. 

( continued from the previous page ) 

U addressed by svahn, the manes are to be addressed by svadha For a full 
*w>utiion of the relative meanings of these two words, as also for the 
MUblishment of the view that the distinction between the Gods and the 

L v arI i UnderSt 0d 6V6n by the Bgvedl seers ' *** Vr. 0. Kunhan 
te, bvadhn, and tivasti ( jr o. R. Jf., i. 16 ff. ). 

1 X, 154.3; I. 125.5; X. 107/2. 

Dcvayclna and Pitry&na 55 

Rajas occurs nearly 150 times In the Rgveda and ig under- 
stood in -a number of senses ; in the sense of a * a path * ( marga ), 
the word can be construed infiie verses 1 at least, out of which 
the following two are important for consideration now 

A krsnena rajasa vartamano nivesayann arnjrtam martyam 

ca } 
Hlranyayena savifca rafchena devo yati bhuranani 

pasyan \\ * 
Hlranyapanih. savita vicarsanir ubhe dy&v&prtfeivl antar 

lyate I 
Apamlvarii badhate veti suryam abhi krsnena rajasa dy&m 

rnoti n * 

In the first verse, Savit? is described as moving through the 
dark path ( krsnena rajasa ) and, in the second> that he penetrates 
to Heaven through the dark space, Sayaria translates the word 
rajasa by * region * ( lokena ) and G-rassmann by * aerial region * 
( luftraum ), but even then the compound should mean something 
like ' path or course '_ i. e. a region through which the Sun 
traverses. Seeing that Savitr is a solar deity, it is quite possible 
that the seer calls his course * dark 7 ( Jersya ) because it is 
beyond man's perception. This supposition is all the more 
strengthened if the frequent descriptions of the region of F*>/m, 
another solar deity in the Rgveda are also taken into considera- 
tion, Visnti is described as living at a long distance from this 
world (ksayantamasyarajasalipaTake),* and as he thus sho.vs 
knowledge of the highest region, his greatness cannot be 
measured by anybody. 5 With his wide-going (urugaya} and 
wide-striding (unikrama) steps, Visnu traverses throughout 
the terrestrial regions. Two of his steps are visible to men, but 
the third, or highest is beyond the flight of birds or mortal ken ; 5 
it is known only to the saviour full of mercy. His highest step 
is like an eye fixed in Heaven, and it shines 

1 I. 35. 2, 9 ; 116. 20 ; II. 31. 2; VI. 62. 6. 
a I. 35. 2. 

2 I. 35* 9. 

* VII. 100. 5. 

* VII. 99. 1. 

1. 155. 5 ; VII. 99. 2. 

56 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

towards this the wise ever look ( tad vlsndh paramam padam sadQ 
paiyanti surayah). 1 Here in this dear abode of Fisw M ,. a t this 
spring of sweetness, the pious rejoice 

Tad asya priyam abhi patho asiyam naro yatra devayavo 

madanti I 
ITrukramasya sa hi bandhur ittha visaoh pade paiame 

madhva utsah \\ 2 
Ta yam vastuny u&masi gamadhyai yatra gave 

bhurisrnga ayasah \ 
Atraha tad urugayasya vrspah paramam padam ava 

bhati bhuri \\ l 

This Heaven of Vimu by entering which the devotees are 
immortal, is also distinguished from the Heaven of Yami which 
is open to any virtuous man. Thus we are fcold : 

Tisro dyavak savitur dva upastharh eka yamasya 

bhuvane virasat \ 
5-nim na rathyam atnrtadhi tasthur iha bravltu ya u 

tac ciketat (I 4 

The fact that Savitr is associated with immortality is clear 
from the description that he granted immortality to the gods 5 
and the following verse where the seer wants to go by the path 
of the Sun and attain the place where his span of life ( ayus ) fi 
can be extended I. e. where he can be immortal, expresses clearly 
ttat tie Sun also is connected with immortality : 

Ud Irdhvam jlvo asur na agad apa pragat tarna a 

jyotir eti \ 

Araik pantham yatave suryaya aganma yatra pratiranta 
, . ayut tl 7 

* J. 22. 20. 

* I. 154, 5. 
4 1.154.6. 

* 1.35.6. 

IV. 54. 2. 


-to <food< (anna) is rather 

Devayana and Pitry&na 57 

It is thus clear that the Bgvedic seers knew of (wo kinds of 
virtuous people those who by good conduce attain felicity in 
Kama's Heaven and those who, by superior merit like piety, 
attain the Heaven of the Solar Gods, Visriu, Savitr, or SUrya, 
and become immortal. 

Sruti occurs 8 times in all in the different cases ; while both 
Sayana and Grassmann 1 generally interpret the word to mean 
' a path or way ' ( marga^bahn, weg ), it is taken by them only 
once (II 13. 2 ) in the sense of * a stream or current ' ( apam 
sarariih = strom, sfromung ). Roth and BohtlingJf understand the 
word throughout in the former sense of * a way 7 ( weg or * road 
or street ; ( strasse ). Of the seven passages* in which the word 
srut^ occurs in this sense, the following verse is significant 

Dve srutl asrnavam pitrnam aharh devnam uta 

martyntai I 

Tabhyarn idam visvam ejat sam ei yad antara 

pitaram mStarafi ca* H 

The seer says in this verse that he has heard of two paths* 
one of the gods and the other of the mortals, and that through 
one or the other of these two every creature that exists between 
Heaven and Earth ( i e. in this world ) proceeds on its way. 
Sayaya sees in this verse a clear mention of the Devayana and 
Pitryana, the paths by which the dead travel to their respective 
destination as entitled by their merit and which are so elabora- 
tely described in the Bhagavadgita ( VIII. 24 ff. ). Griffith* takes 
the two ways to denote * the way to the other world and the way 
back, regarded as distinct \ but his translation of the first line 
into * I have heard of two several pathways, way of the fathers, 
way of gods and mortals' is not clear. To Deussen, 8 to interpret this 
verse to mean the Devayana and the Pitryana of the Upanisads 

1 Op. cit , p 1618 

Op. cifc., VII 1409. 

2 I. 42. 3 ; 46. 11 ; VIII. 91. 1 ; IX. 78 2, VI. 24. 4; 2. 32 ? ; 8S. 15. 

4 RY. X. 88. 15 = YV. XIX. 47. 

5 W,hite Yajurveda, p. 179 n. 

6 Philosophy of the Upamads> p. 318 ; but the &atapatha Brahm&na> 
itself < XIV. tf. 1. l = JBr. Up. VI. 2. I ) interprets the verse m this way. 

$ [ Annals, B. O. E,. I. ] 

58 Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research InstttuTt 

would only be to strain the Samhita text to make it suit the pur- 
pose of the Upanisads. According to him, the ' two ways' meant 
here are those of day and night, and the import of the entire 
verse is that all beings are subject to the laws of day and night 
Deussen justifies his interpretation on the ground that elsewhere 1 
Agni is spoken of as having a dual character, San by day and fire 
by night. His explanation could be accepted if it were certain 
that the present verse alludes to the * paths ' of Agni. But the 
allusion here seems to be only to the paths which are to be 
traversed ( at death) by the whole lot of human beings. 2 Sayarta 
is light when he gives this explanation, but he makes a jumble 
in understanding the first line where he seems to assign one 
path for the manes and gods and another for the mortals 
piiry&m ca devanafn ca utapi ca martyanam manusyariam ca dv* 
srutl dvau margau ). The same is the case with Griffith? when he 
speaks of one pathway for the fathers and the other of gods and 
mortals. It seems possible to avoid all this confusion by taking 
pitrg&m as an adjective of Devanam, and interpreting the first- 
half of the verse to mean " I have heard of two paths, one of 
( my ) ancestors, the gods, and the other of mortals. " It must 
be remembered In this connection that the seer of this verse is a 
descendant of the Angirases who 5 as mentioned already, are said 
to have attained to divinity through their special p/owess. Can 
it not be possible that the seer could be thinking here, when he 
speaks of * two paths \ the one achieved by his ancestors who 
obtained divinity, and the other that of ordinary mortals of 
inferior merit whose destiny lies in meeting Yama and revell- 
ing in his company ? If so, this verse would be an additional 
evidence to show that two kinds of destiny for the virtuous were 
conceived by the Rgvedic people immortality or divinity for those 
whose achievement is of the front-rank, and heavenly bliss for 
the ordinary people whose merit lies only in their virtue. If 
besides this, we take note of the fact that these seers also knew 

X. 83. 15. 

ot Macdonell, op. cit , p, 171 , Hopkins, Religions of India, p. 145 n* 
* supra; Huir's explanation of this v&rae is plausible when he makes 
the adjective of srutl ( Original Sanskrit Texts> I. 434; V. 287 ). 


that there is a distinction 1 in tie paths traversed by the 
and the maneMhat theft is lustrous and Wongs to the 


immortals, and that all those passing through it must pass 
through Agni, we are quite near the conception of the Dmjm 
and the A/fflffiw in the Upanisads which describe these to 


1 of, the Avestan conception of the (Wo Pwto or 
(Bridge of the Separator ) which is sail to appear to the righteous to he 
5 spears or 27 arrows' length across, hot as narrow as a razor's edge for 

* r 

the godless man, so that he falls into Hell, ( Bartholomae, Mlmwkt 
fjrtofcrf, 597i cited by J, H, Moulton, Jorly ZorouMdnun, p, 165, 




Synonymous names in the different chronologies of the Puranas 
have raised a suspicion for their identity. Udayana of KausamM 
and Udayin of Magadha are two of such names in ancient 
historical tradition. And recently an effort has been made to 
identify them with each other. 

In an article recently contributed in the Annals of the 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XXI, pp. 97-99 
Dr* Seth tried to identify with each other these two historically 
different personalities altogether, mainly basing his conclusion 
on the following grounds ' 

( 1 ) that they are slight variants of the same name ; 
( 2 ) that they are contemporary ; 

{ 3 ) that they are described in literary tradition with similar 
characteristics ; 

( 4 ) that the Puranas do not mention Udayin ( of the Magadha 

dynasty ) as the son of Darsaka ; 

( 5 ) that the Matsya Purana mentions the successor of King 
Ajatasatru ( of Magadha ) as Vamsaka which recalls the 
Vamsas of Kausambi ; 

( 6 ) that Hiuen Tsiang mentions Darsaka ( of Magadha 1 as 
the last king of the line of Bimbisara, and so Lis successor 
Udayin belonged to some other dynasty ; 
( 7 } that the Purlnas inform that Udayin ( of Magadha ) 
changed his capital from Eajagrha to Kusuinapura 
( P&taliputra ), and change of capital signifies a change 
of the ruling dynasty ; and finally 

( 8 ) that the literary traditions indicate the conquest and 
Annexation of Magadha by Udayana ( of Vatsa , 

The Supposed Identification oj Udayana 6 1 

Taking into consideration the evidence obtained in the 
Puranas and other allied literature, one may safely come to the 
conclusion that the arguments put forth by Dr. Seth are rather 
presumptuous the question of the identity of these two different 
kings not arising at all. We shall now try to enter into the 
details of the pros and cons of the problem. 

Together with the Puranas the Buddhist Chronicles mention 
the order of succession of the later Saisunaga kings of Magadha, 
which should not be neglected. Comparing the Puranic and 
Buddhist traditions Dr. Bhandarkar says that " it is not safe to 
rely upon the account furnished by the Puranas for this early 
period so far at any rate as the order of succession and the 
duration of individual reigns are concerned/' And so '* the 
tradition presented in the Mahavamsa about the Magadha 
dynasties seerns...more reliable/' ] 

The Puranas and the Buddhist Chronicles have detailed 
different versions regarding the succession of the rulers of 
Magadha and Vatsa respectively. Satanlka, Udayana and Vahi- 
nara, according to the Puranas, 2 or Satanlka { Parantapa ) 
Udayana and Bodhi, according to the Buddhist Chronicles,*' 
formed fche order of succession of the kings of Vatsa. On fcha 
other hand Bimbisara, Ajatasatru, Darsaka, Udayin* TSTandi- 
vardhana and Mahanandin, according to the Puranas, 4 or Bimbi- 
sara, Ajatasatru, Udayabhadda, Anuruddha, Munda and Nagada"- 
saka, according to the Buddhist Chronicles, 5 were the kings of 
Magadha. According to the Pali Canons Udayana of Vatsa, 
Prasenajit of Kosala, Pradyota of Avanti and Bimbisara of 
Magadha were all contemporaries of the Buddha, and so, of each 

According to Dr. Seth, 6 Udayana of Vatsa was a very junior 

1 Carmichael Lectures* 1918, p. 71. 

2 Pargiter, Dynasties of the Kali Age, pp. 5-7. 

2 Dhammapada Commentary, I, pp. 164-66 , Vtvidhattrthakalpa, p. 23 ; 
Law, Ancient Mid-Indian Ksatriy a Tnles, p. 134 , Memoirs of the Archaeo- 
logical Survey of India, No. 60, pp. 14, 16, 18. 

4 Pargiter, Op cit^ pp. 21-22. 

5 Mahavamsa, IV, 1-4 ( Geiger's edition ) ; Of. tiamantapasndik, I, p. 72, 

6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Vol. XXI, p* 97* 

62 Annals of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

contemporary of the Buddha. But the Buddhist Chronicles z state 
that the great preacher died in the 8th year of AjafcaSatru's reign. 
Moreover Udayin of Magadha wio immediately succeeded 
AjataSatru according to the same chronicles, and two generations 
later according to the Puranas, could never have been a con- 
temporary of the Buddha. Thus the two kings with " slight 
variants of the same name " are absolutely different personages. 
The only factor of the names being synonymous does not help 
the argument. And even in the Puranas we get two different 
kings but having synonymous names. Dasaratha of Ayodhya 
and Yadava dynasties, Prasenajit of Magadha and Ayodhysl 
dynasties, and Nandivardhana of Videba and Magadha dynasties 
are a few of the many examples. 

Svapnavasavadatta, one of the plays of Bhasa, mentions the 

marriage of TJdayana of Vatsa with PadmavatI, the sister of 

Darsaka, the king of Magadha. The drama no doubt proves 

the reality of the existence of Darsaka as king of M&gadha. 

But it does not mention in the least the immediate succession of 

Darsaka after Ajatasatru. 2 Following the Puranic tradition 

Dr. Setb says that PadmavatI was the daughter of Ajatasatru. 

It looks quite improbable to note that the name of such a 

famous king as Ajatasatru is never referred to by the dramatist 

Moreover the Darsaka of the Puranas is identified with the 

Nagadasaka of the Buddhist Chronicles. s According to these 

Chronicles DarSaka succeeded to the throne of Magadha not 

immediately after Ajatasatru but three generations later. 

Svapnavasavadatta mentions PadmavatI as sister of Darsaka 

and not as daughter of Ajatasatru. Moreover, according to the 

Buddhist traditions, Qdayin of Magadha was a favourite child 

of Aj&ta6atru even during the life time of Bimbisara, and he was 

a youthful prince at the meeting of his father with the Buddha. 

Naturally he must be middle aged at the death of Ajatasatru. 

But Dar&aka, according to the Svapnavasavadatta, was very 

young when be came to the throne, and when Udayana of Vatsa 

* Mahftvamsa, II, 32 , Dlpauamsa, III, 60. 

* Baichaudbari, Political History of Ancient India, pp. 143-144; Of. 
Pradhan, Chronologies of Ancient India, pp. 216-17. 

* * Bhandarkar, Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 71, 

The Opposed Identification of Udayana 63 

was married to Padtnavatl. * So Daraka could not have come 
between Ajatasatru and Udayin of Magadha. A.nd so Padm^vat! 
cannot be the daughter of Ajatasatru, as Dr, Seth supposes. 
From the above we conclude that Udayana who married 
PadmavatI and Udayin who succeeded Ajatasatru were two 
different kings reigning: at two different places and at two differ- 
ent periods. Thus the * e gentle, lovable and virtuous king " of the 
Svapnavasavadatta is Udayana of Vafcsa, and the " DharmStmS " 
of the Garga-Sarhhita stands for the Udayin of Magadha. 

In identifying the two kings Dr. Seth says that " in the Puranas 
Udayin ( of Magadha ) is not called as the son of Darsaka. He Is 
only mentioned as Darsaka's successor. Generally if the successor 
has been the son of the previous king then it has been so men- 
tioned in the Puranas. " We have already shown that Udayin 
succeeded not Darsaka but Ajatasatru. But even taking the 
Puranic tradition as correct, as Dr. Seth takes it, Darsaka 
was Udayin's predecessor and father. Even the kings Bimbis&ra 
and Ajatasatru of the Magadha dynasty, who are best 
known as father and soa, are not mentioned accordingly in the 
Puranas, but only as mere successors one after the other. Accord- 
ing to the Puranaa and the Budddtist Chronicles, either Darsaka 
or Ajatasatru was the father of Udayin of Magadha, But the 
same traditions mention a Satanlka as the father of the Udayana 
of Kausambi or Vatsa. This shows that they were two diffarent 
kings. The Puranas do not necessarily mention the successor 
as a son even if he is one. 

Taking into consideration the Magadha dynasty of the 
Saisunaga kings, as mentioned in the Matsya Purana, which 
states Vamsaka as the successor of Ajatasatru, Dr. Sefch argues 
that this Vamsaka recalls the Vaxpsas of Kausambi. In his own 
words the learned Doctor says " It is difficult to say whether 
Vamsaka is a corrupt reading for Darsaka../' If we take into 
consideration the list of the Saisunaga kings of Magadha in the 
other Puranas we find instead of Vamsaka a Darbhaka in the 

1 Indian Antiquary, XLIV, p. 45, according to Dr. Bhandarkar Udayana 
of Vatsa was married to PadmavatI in the first year of Darsafca's reign* 
( Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 70 ). 

64 Annah of tht Jjhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Visnu and Bhagavata, a Harsaka or Darsaka in the Vayu and a 
Darsaka in the Brahmanda. Darsaka is the most central form, 1 
the rest; being definitely its corruptions. And so the Vanisake 
of the Matsya Purana does not seem to be connected with the 
Vamsas ( or Vatsas or the people of Vatsa ) in any way, Ifc 
has got nothing to do with Udayana of Vatsa. 

Mentioning Hiuen Tsiang's tradition that "the sangha- 
rama of the Tiladaka *- was built by the last descendant of 
Bimbisararaja " 2 Dr. Seth argues that Darsaka was " the last 
descendant ;; and that he was succeeded by a king of some other 
dynasty-King Udayana of Vatsa. We have already seen that 
the Puranic Darsaka is the same as the Buddhist Nagadasaka^ 
who was succeeded by Susunaga. 4 The Oeylonese Chronicles 
state that all the kings from Ajatasatru to Nagadasaka were 
parricides, and so the people became angry, banished the dynasty 
and raised an amatya named Susunaga to the throne of 
Magadha. 5 The epithet Naga is prefixed to Dasaka to disting- 
uish him from his successor Susunaga who belonged to a some- 
what different family. 6 The Chinese traveller's " last descendant 
of Bimbisararaja " refers therefore to the Magadhan Nagada- 
saka ( Darsaka) whose successor was Susunaga- 4i a minister 
apparently of Darsaka M 7 and not Udayana of VaCsa as Dr. Seth 

Referring to the Puranic information that Udayin ( of the 
Saikmaga dynasiy of Magadha ) changed his capital from Raja-' 
grha to Kusumapura ( Pataliputra ). Dr. Seth identifies the 
Udayin of Magadha with Udayana of Vatsa because " change of 
capital/' according to the learned Doctor," often signifies a 
change of the ruling dynasty. " We have already seen that 
Udayin was the son and successor of Ajatasatru of Magadha, 
Naturally he belonged to the same Saisunaga dynasty as his 

1 Pargiter, Op. Cit., p. 22 ( foot-note ). 

Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, II, p. 102. 

Ibid., ( f. n. ) ; Cf. Eaichaudhuri, Op. Cit , p 144. 

Mahnvarpsa, IV, 6; Dlpavamsa V. 98; SamantapasadifcZ, I, p. 73. 

MahZvamea, IV, 5-6 ; Dipavawsa, V, 98 ; Of. Surnang alavilasini, I, 153. 

Bhandarkar, Op. Cit. t p. 71. 


The Supposed Identification of Udayana 65 

predecessors Moreover ancient historical traditions do men- 
tion changes of capitals, the dynasties remaining the same. 

On the basis of Bhasa's Svapnavasavadatta Dr. Seth says 
that the marriage of Udayana ( of Vatsa ) was arranged more for 
political reasons. As far as this he is perfectly right. But we 
do not agree with his statement about the " annexation of 
Magadha by Udayana " ( of Vatsa X According to the above 
literary tradition, as he must be well aware, the kingdom of 
Vatsa was on the verge of destruction on account of internal 
revolutions started by a rebel Arunl. ! It would, thus, appear 
rather illogical to think that the Vatsa minister Yaugandha- 
rSyana was ambitious for the conquest of Magadha, when his 
own land was being pestered with civil war. The river Ganges 
WRS the only boundary between Magadha and Vatsa. And 
naturally the wise and able minister Yaugandharayana was 
afraid that the revolution might be fomented by the king of 
Magadha. And it was this " political reason " which led to the 
matrimonial alliance between the two houses of Vatsa and Maga- 
dha and not the political reason of the annexation of Magadha by 
Vatsa as Dr. Seth thinks. This marriage of great political signifi- 
cance meant not only Magadha' s abstention from actively helping 
the insurgents of the Vatsa country, but also a prompt aid from 
Magadha in putting down the rebellion in Vatsa. Dar&aka of 
Magadha at once helped the Vatsa war-minister Eu man van 
with a large army of elephants, cavalry and infantry to make 
the rebellious land of Vatsa quite secure. 2 Apart from the 
annexation of Magadha by Vatsa we find on the other hand the 
annexation of Vatsa by the later SaisunSga kings of Magadha. 8 
During the regin of the Nandas, Vatsa had lost her indepen- 
dence. 4 From the above we clearly see that Udayana of Vatsa 
was a different king than Udayin of Magadha, 

1 Svapnavasavadatta, Act V, p. 51 ( Kale's Edition ). 

B " E?a khalu bhavatomStyo EumanvSn mahatS balasamudayenopayStah 
khalv3ruijimabhigha;tayittim TathS hastyaisvarathapadStlni mSmaMm 
VijaySiigSni sannaddhSnl'*. Svapnavasavadatta> Act V, p. 51. 

* Journal of the Bihar and Ortssa Research Society I, p* 89. 

* L&w, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 60, p. 11, 
9 I Annals, B. O. B. I. J 

66 Annals of the Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

All this would be enough to prove that Udayana and Udayiu 
were two different kings ruling at two different places Vafcsa and 
Magadha respectively, and at two different periods in history. 
Even the fact that the predecessors and successors of these two 
kings were different may further corroborate our statement. 

Thus the predecessor and successor of the Udayana of Vatsa 
were, according to the Puranas, Satanlka and Vahinara, and 
according to the Buddhist Chronicles, Satanlka and Bodhi 
respectively. But the predecessor and successor of the TJdayin 
of Magadha were Darsaka and Nandivardhana, according to the 
Pur&nas, and Ajata^atru ( Ajatasattu ) and Anuruddha, respective* 
ly according to the Buddhist Chronicles, They were thus two 
different personages. 

When the Buddha visited Bhagga country, it was ruled over 
by Bodhi the son of Udayana. 1 But the Buddha had already 
retired from this world at the time of Udayin, as we have already 
seen* This again shows that they were two absolutely different 

1 law, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, No. 60, p. 16, 




1. For several years, the question of the origin and growth 
of the Mahabharata has engaged the attention of the scholars* 
The scholars like Holtzmann ( Junior ), Ludwig, Dahlraann, 
Jacobi, Von Schroeder, Hopkins, Macdoneil, C. V, Vaidya and 
others have in their own way proposed various views regarding 
the origin and growth of the MahSbharata. But these views 
do not primarily consider the question of the final redaction of 
the Mahabharata that is to say, who should be considered respon- 
sible for making the epic consist of a lakh of verses, including 
the Kavya, Smrti and Nltisiastra at once. This aspect of the 
question for the first time struck the late Dr. Sukthankar, who 
formulated a theory regarding the final redaction of the MahS- 
bharata. 2 He has collected and collated therein, the BhSrgava 
references and has observed that * the Bhargavas spring into 
prominence all of a sudden in the Mahabharata ' and that all 
Bhargava material is entirely foreign to the plan of the original 
saga of the Bharatas, occurring as it does almost wholly in the 
episodic portion of the epic. He came to the conclusion that in 
the formative period of the epic, a powerful Bhargava influence 
direct or indirect had been at work in shaping our epic for us. 
This theory of Dr. Sukthankar is of great importance as it, for 
the first time, points to the proper approach to the problem of the 
redaction of the Mahabharata. But it is necessary to investigate 
this problem further and to find out whether there are Bother 
Brahman families who might have influenced the composition of 

i I am highly indebted to my Gum Prof. EL D. Vslanfcar and the late Dr. 
V. S. Sukthankar, for the help they gave me in my study of the HahSbhS- 

* See A. B. O. R. I. Vol. XVIII, pages 1-76 ( hereafter referred to as Epic 
Studies VI ) 

68 Annals of ike Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the present Mahabharata. If there are such families what may 
be their exact relation with the Bhrgus ? The aim of this paper 
is to evaluate the Brahmanical element in the Mahabharata and 
to discuss how far the results thus obtained help towards the 
solution of the problem of the authorship of the Mahabharata. 

2. At the very beginning it ts to be borne in mind that the 
Satasahasrl Samhita or the Mahabharata of a lakh of verses is 
the starting point of the present discussion, Vyasa is the tradi- 
tional author of the Mahabharata. But this is not proved by the 
internal evidence of the text of the Mahabharata For, Vyasa 
is said to have composed only Bharata, a collection of 24000 
verses, without the Upakhyanas. 1 Naturally it must be seen as 
to who is responsible for the addition of about 76000 verses to 
the Original Bharata ; in other words, it is necessary to investi- 
gate the problem of the final redaction of the Mahabharata, Even 
though in the present Mahabharata there seem to be, tr/o distinct 
and separate phases namely, the Bharata and the Mahabharata, 
the Caturvim&atisahasrl and the Satasahasrl Samhitas, 2 it can be 
easily conceded that the Mahabharata as a whole presents a 
complete unity of characters, aims, ideas and subject matter. 
There is a general frame-work in which all its episodes fit them- 
selves quite well. Thus there is an undisputable unity in the 
present redaction of the Mahabharata. Of course this unity in 
such a vast work, described as, a literary monster, 3 is to be 
seen in a general manner only. Still it is important that it is 
there and that it is not a hotch-potch work. This unity of redaction 
presupposes the unity of the redactors without which the under- 
lying unity cannot be maintained. So the redactors of the 
Mah&bhSrata must have formed a complete unity among them- 
selves. Coming to the question as to who these redactors may 
be> we get a definite clue from the attempt at the Brahmanisa- 
tion of the incidents and episodes in the Mahabharata. 
Thare has been a definite attempt in the whole of the Maha- 
to press the ma i ri *3r of the incidents and episodes in the 
Of. Mbh. Li. 102-103. " ' 

The K * la E *> i8ode iu the Mahabharata in 
pres * nted to Ptof. Thomas 1939 

S*e Wlntwnit. : A History of Indian literature, Vol. I, .page 326, 

The Authorship of the Mahahhdrata $ 

cause of the Brahmanic religion. The MahSbhSrata in fact 
deserves to be called 4 Encyclopaedia Brahmanica V It is pro- 
bable that it was due to the attempts of the Brahmapas that the 
Bharata of 24000 verses was enlarged into the MahabhSrata of a 
lakh of verses, claiming to be the Encyclopaedia of Brahmanio 
traditions. Thus it remains to be seen as to who these Brah- 
manas might be. What must be their purpose in this attempt? 
How was the unity among the redactors maintained ? 

3. With this purpose, a survey of all the Brahmanas occur- 
ring in the Mahabharata was made and it was found that nearly 
275 different names of the Brahmanas occurred 8500 times on the 
whole in the Mahabharata- It was further seen whether these 
names of the Brahmanas could be traced to definite and important 
Brahman a families. In this connection it may be noted that 
there are repeated references in the epic to the seven sages, who 
were the * mind-born ' sons of Brahman, These are : Marlci, 
Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Vaslstha. 2 Bhrgu is born 
of the * heart * of Brahman. In the enumeration of the twenty- 
one Prajapatis, there is a mention of these seven sages, with 
the addition of Bhrgu to them. 3 These seven sages ( without 
Bhrgu being included in them ) form the group of sages called 
Sapta Citrasikhandins. These seven sages are also called the 
seven prakrtis of Narayanaby which the entire world is sup- 
ported* 4 Bhrgu appears to have been added to this group later 
on. For, we find Bhrgu in addition to these sages being included 
in the list of the Prajapatis in Manu Srrrti. 5 

Accepting these eight to be the principal sages ( viz. Marlci, 
Atri, Angiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, Vaslstha and Bhrgu ), 
let us then turn to their proper evaluation and representation 
in the Mahabharata. Out of nearly 8500 references to the 
Brahmanas, we find the following to be the total individual refer- 
ences to these eight sages and other members of the families 

1 See Epic studies VI, page 68. 

2 * Cf. Mbh. XII. 20S, 3-5. 

3 Of. Mbh. XII, 334, 35-36. 

* Cf. Mbh. Xn, 335, 30. 

6 Cf. i. 35. 

70 Annals of tie Bfiandarkar Oriental Research -Institute 

represented by them ' ( i ) Marlci, 175 ; ( ii ) Atri, 60 ; ( iii ) 
ras, 3200 ; ( iv ) Pulastya. 35 , ( v ) Pulaha, 20 ; ( vi ) Kratu, 
( vij ) Vasistha, 830, ( viii ) Bhrgu, 1500. 

Out of these eight Brahinanical families, the five namely 
Marlci, Atri, Pulastya, Pulaha and Kratu are not important as 
the number of their occurrence indicates. The family of Marloi 
is represented by his son KaSyapa 1 and his descendants, tlie 
Kasyapas. Marlci alone occurs 26 times in uhe epic. About 
Pulastya, Pulaha and Kratu, we do not read much. The family 
of Atri is connected with that of the Angiras by matrimonial 
connections i. e. by the marriage of Bhadra with TItathya Angi- 
rasa. But otherwise it is not in any way prominent in the epic. 
Thus ultimately we are left with the four principal families, viz. 
Angiras, Bhrgu, Kasyapa ( represented by Marlci in the list of 
the seven sages ) and Vasistha. In fact these four are actually 
mentioned to be the principal Gotras in the epic. Of Mbh 
XII. 296. 17. 

Looking to these principal families of the Brahmanas, from 
their numerical representation in the epic, we find that the 
Ajagirases and the Bhrgus form an over-whelming majority over 
others. Leaving out Kasyapa ( in the family of Marlci ) as non- 
important, there remain out of four only these, viz. the Angi- 
riases the Bh?gus and Vasisthas, who are prominently represent- 
ed in the Mahabharata. 

In the Angirasa family we find the following 25 members 
directly belonging to ib- 1 Angiras ; 2 Atharvan ; 3 Asvattha- 
man ; 4 Angirasi ; 5 Utathya ; 6 Kaca ; 7 Kak^Ivat ; 8 Gautama ; 
9Ca 9 daKaasika; 10 Cirakari Gautama ; 11 DIrghatamas ; 12 
Dro 9 a 5 13Bala; 14 Brhaspati; 15 Bharadvaja ? 16 Yavakrlta; 
17 SSradvata Gautama ; 18 Srutavafcl ; 19 Samvarta, 20 Sarasvata, 

*e aiBo mentioned to be the sons of Ano-^oo TX7 ^ a. T, 

, . feuiis or Angiras. VY e do not hear 

anything of them beyond mere mention. 

1 Cl. Mbh. 331. 208. 8. 

The Authorship of the MahAbhardta 71 

In the family of Bhrgu 1 we similarly find the following 15 
members : 1 Bhrgu ; 2 Kavi : 3 Sukra ; 4 Oyavana ; 5 Aurva ; 6 
Rclka-, 7 Jamadagni ; 8 Parasurama j 9 Pramati ; 10 Ruru 5 11 
Sunaka ? 12 Dadhloa -, 13 Markandeya , 14 Vipula and 15 Uttanka, 

Now as regards the Vasistha family, it may be pointed out 
that Vyasa, a Vasistha, is credited with the authorship of the 
Bharata, which originally consisted of only 24000 verses and 
had no episodes to speak of. Of. 

fV- II 

Mbh. I. I 102-103 

This accounts for the presence of the Vasistha element in 
the Mahabharata. Thus by a process of elimination we have 
found out that out of the eight families or Gctras, there remain 
only two viz. the Angirases and the Bhrgus as the prominent 
ones in the Mahabharata. The number of times of their 
occurrences in the epic is 3200 and 1500 respectively. Com- 
paratively speaking, the Angirases are found in almost a 
majority of two to one over the Bhrgus ; but this is evidently due 
to the fact that a whole major Parvan ( Dronaparvan) is devot- 
ed to the exploits of Drona Angirasa, 

4. Coming to the question of the relation between the 
Bhrgus and Angirases, we learn that the Atharva Veda is 
associated with the mystic fire priests of prehistoric antiquity, 
A.tharvan, and Angiras ( and later on also Bhrgu ), resulting into 
the names : Atharvangiras, Bhrgvangiras and finally Atharva 
Veda. The name Atharvangiras is mentioned in the Atharva 
Veda itself ( A, V. X, 7. 20 ). The name Bhrgvangiras is almost 
wholly restricted to the ritual texts of the Atharvans.* The term 
Bhrgvangiras, always found in the compound ' Bhrgvangirovid ', 
is the favourite designation of the Atharvaveda. It appears 
that at some later stage the term Bhrgu replaced the term 
Atharvan in the earlier name Atharvangiras and we got a 
name, Bhrgvngiras. It was due to^hinherent relation 

i For the detailed "awotmt of the Bhrgus, see V. S. Sukthankar's Epio 
Studies VI in A. B. CX B. I. Vol. XVIlt, pages l-?6. 
* Cf. Bloomfield t Atharva Veda page 9. 

72 Annals of the Shandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

between the three, Bhrgu, Atharvan, and Angiras ? as all 
these are, in general, on the same level, concerned as they 
are in the production and -service of fire, as also in the 
cultivation and the spread of magical spells. Occasionally in 
the Mantras they are found all together or Bhrgu is found in 
the company of Atharvan or Angiras. 1 This inter-relation con- 
tinues in the Yajus and the Brahmana texts in such a way that 
the juxtaposition of Bhrgu and Angiras becomes exceedingly 
frequent, broaching on the complete synonymy reached in the 
Satapatha Brahmana 4. 1. 5. 1 when the sage Cyavana is 
designated either as a Bhargava or as an Angirasa. These 
Bhrgvangirases seem to be indispensable to the institution of 
sacrifice. For the Gopatha Brhamana points out without 
Bhrgvangirases the sacrifice limps like a quadruped deprived 
of its feet. All these considerations point to the conclusion 
that the members of the Bhrgu and Angiras family formed a 
unity in themselves for all practical purposes as suggested by 
the Vedic tradition about the sameness of the source, 2 from 
which they were originated. The main purpose of the Atharvanic 
texts seems to be the glorification of Bbrgu and Afigiras in 
particular and of Brahmanas and sacrifice in general. But in 
addition to these it is quite possible that they represent an 
attempt of the Brahmanic orthodoxy led by the Bhrgus and 
Angirases to enlist the sympathy of the masses, whose beliefs 
and traditions are faithfully recorded in the Atharva Veda, by 
raising the unorthodox Atharv&ngiras Veda to the level of the 
otter three orthodox Vedas, thus making four as the number of 
the Vedas. 

Coming down to the Mahabharata, we find the same close 
relationship between the two families reflected in the oft 
recurring compound Bhrgvangiras. The same old tradition 
abomt their common origin is preserved and continued even in 
the epic, A similar attempt to exalt the Atharva Veda and the 
family of AtharvSngiras is evident in the story of Nahusa, 8 

1 Gt BV, X. 92. 10 and Till. 43. 13. 
s Of* Gopatha BrShma^a. 1, L 1-15. 

The Authorship of the Mahabharata 73 

when Indra is made to confer a boon on the Atharva Veda, that 
the Veda would be thereafter known by the name " AtharvSngi- 
rasa " and that Atharvan would have a share in the sacrifice. 

A close relationship of the Bhrgus and the Angirases is also 
clearly seen in the double denominations which some members 
of these families get. Thus Cyavana, Dadhlca and Grtsamada 
are both Bhargava and Aiigirasa. It is further interesting to 
know that the Mahabharata mentions of an age when the whole 
world war peopled with the descendants of the Bhrgvangirasas 1 

Another important feature of these families L e. of Bhrgu 
and Angiras is that we do not mostly meet either of these 
families joined with any priestly family other than these two : 
Of these two families, the Angirases were evidently the senior 
branch and the Bhrgus were the junior one. Even in the field 
of politics and spells, the Angirases appear as the earlier recei- 
vers of these, while the Bhargavas have received the same from 
the Angirases. The inherent unity and the sameness of interests 
of these two families, however, are quite evident in both the 
Vedic and the epic periods. Both these strike us as the most 
enthusiastic religious reformers and undaunted champions of the 
cause of Brahrnanism. 

5. It can be easily seen that the Bhrgvangirases occupied 
a very peculiar position in the AV. la the RV. the Angirases 
are described as seers, who are the sons of gods ( RV. X. 62. 4 ) or 
of Agni (RV. X. 62. 2). On the one hand they are associated with 
the groups of divine beings such as Adityas, Vasus and Maruts 
( RV. III. 44. 4 and 35. 14), on the other hand they are related 
with mortals like the Atharvans ( RV. X. 18.13 ) and the Bhrgus 
(RV. K. 14.6.). They are also the Brahmana priests, who by means 
of sacrifice acquired immortality and Indra's friendship ( RV, 
X. 62. 1. ). They found Agni hidden in the wood ( RV. V. 11. 6.). 
They thought of the first ordinance of sacrifice. Indra, Agni. 
and Usas are called the best of the Angirases ( Angirastama, 
RV. I. 100. 4 ). Atharvan rubbed forth Agni ( RV. VL 16. 13 ) 
end the priests rub Agni as Atharvan did ( RV. VI. 15. 17 ), 
Atharvan first established rites by sacrifices, while the Bhrgus 
showed themselves to be the gods by their skill ( RV. X. 92. 10). 

1 See Mbh, XIII. 91. 1. 
10 [ Annals, B. O. B. I. 1 


74 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Brhaspati Angirasa occupies a position of considerable impor- 
tance in the RV., eleven entire hymns being dedicated to sing 
his praise. Sacrifice does not succeed without him ( RV. 1. 18. 7), 
It seems that Byhaspati was originally considered as the presid- 
ing deity over prayer and later on ascribed to the family of 
Angiras. Bharadvajais described as Barhaspatya and is the 
traditional seer of several hymns of the VI Mandala of the RV, 
The Bharadvajas are called Angirases at RV. VI. 35. 5. Bhrgu 
is the seer of RV. IX. 65 and X. 19. There are many other indiri- 
dual Bhargavas who are the traditional seers of a number of 
hymns of the RV, The Bhrgus are chiefly connected with the 
communication of Agni to men. Matarisvan brought Agni to 
Bhrgus ( RV. L 60. 1 X The Bhrgus are the ancient priests, for 
the sacrificers speak of them together with the Angirases and 
Atharvans as their soma-loving fathers ( RV. VIIL 43. 13 ). 
Rama Bhargaveya ( Para^urama ) is the traditional seer of RV. 
X. 110. Grtsamada, who was first an Angirasa and then a Bhar- 
gava is the traditional seer of the second Mandala of the RV, 
The sage Cyavana was a Bhargava, Dadhyan or Dadhloi is the 
eon or descendant of Atharvan ( RV. VI. 16. 14 ). Jamadagni 
was a Bhfirgava and a traditional seer of a number of hymns of 
the RV. 

6. Statement of the new theory 

Before we proceed with our new theory, let us now take 
bird's eye-view of the foregoing diecussion. From a brief 
review of the position occupied by the Angirases and the 
Bhrgus in the Vedic literature, it was observed that the priestly 
clans of the Aigirases and the Bhrgus were regarded as 
coming out of the same source in the AV. The inherent relation 
between these two families was also noticed in their common liter- 
ary activity in the shape of the Atharva- veda which is otherwise 
known as the Bhrgvangirasa Veda. Thus the inherent unity among 
the members of these two inter-related families was established 
in the Vedic literature. This unity among the members of 
these two families seems to have gone to such an extent that 
some members get the denominations of both the families in 
later times. The members of these two -families were great 
philosophers, leaders and religious teachers. Moreover, these 
were great fire-worshippers, sacrificers and seers of many hymns 

The Authorship of the Mahabharata 75 

of BV, Thus from these observations we may conclude that th 
Angirases and the Bhrgus were very important and influential 
members of the Brahmanical society, as reflected in the vedic 
literature. In the Mahabharata, too, we find the continuation 
of their vedic relations and traditions. Even here as in the 
Vedic literature a common source is attributed to Angiras and 
Bhrgu 1 . Out of these two families, the latter possessed, as 
Bloomfield 2 has observed, an u indefinable tendency to magnify 
their own importance. This tendency is very markedly reflected 
even in the Mahabharata. Here the Bhrgus are depicted as more 
** irascible, domineering:, arrogant, unbending and revengeful 
sages " as Dr. Suktiankar observes/ However, it is also observ- 
ed that the Angirases are equally powerful and worthy of res- 
pect in the epic. Three of the great warriors of the Mahabharata 
war were the Angirases, viz. Krpa. Drona and Asvatthaman. 

Regarding the main achievements of the members of fcheae 
two families, it may be observed that they are very important for 
the study of the growth of the epic. 

Angiras the originator of the Angirasa family, himself 
had acted as Agni. 4 He was a leader of the Brahmai^as* 5 Nlti 
and Dharma Sastra are said to have been first revealed to him. 6 
He was one of the Saptacitrasikhandins. 7 He was a great and 
enthusiastic religious reformer. He preached the doctrine of 
Tlrtha-yatra and Upavasa ( fasting ) as easier substitute for the 
more cumbrous vedic sacrifices. 8 Angirasa's anixiety to substitute 
easy practices of religious rites for the difficult ones such as sacri- 
fices, is quite obvious in these. Here we also see an attempt on the 
part of Angiras to enlist the sympathy of the masses in general. 
Atharvan, another member of the family, had secured the 
recognition for the Atharva Veda in the Brahmanical circle. A 

1 Of. Mbh. XIII. 35. 35. 

fi Cf. Bloomfield : Atharva Veda page 9. 

3 Epic studies VI page 64 

4 Of. Mbh. III. 217-232 

* Cf. Mbh. XIV. 35, 27. 

Cf. Mbh. XII. 122. 36-49. 
7 Cf. Mbh. XII. 335-33<>. 

* Cf. Mbh. XIIE. 26. 71 and 106, 35-50. 

j6 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

share in sacrifice was apportioned to the Atharvan priest 
Even Atharvan was a religious reformer like Angiras. The 
teeching of the Atharva Veda shows itself as an under-current in 
the various events and episodes described in the great epic, The 
atory of the birth of some of the principal epic heroes such as 
the Pfindavas, * the Astravidya which they received from their 
Angirasa teachers, the actual war which was fought with the 
help of the magical missiles, the political importance attached 
in those days to the Purohita of a king-all these fully illustrate 
how the teachings and influence of the AV. had attained 
prominence In the epic society. Traditionally Bhrgvangirases 
are regarded as the authors of the AV. Very probably they may 
have been at least the editors of the Samhita of the Atharva- 
veda. It is also noteworthy that even according to the tradition 
personal denomination is given to this Veda only, if * Atharvan 5 
in the word * Atharva Veda ' is supposed to be the name of the 
sage. In the Mahabharata, we find that Atharvan was granted 
a boon by Indra that the AV. would be known after him. Here 
we must also bear in mind the popular nature of the teaching 
of the Atharva Veda. Daily life of an average Aryan is based 
more on the teaching of this Veda than on that of any other. 
Thus it seema probable that the leaders of the Brahmanas such as 
the Angirases and the Bhrgus championed the cause of the 
Brahmanas among the masses, particularly with the help of the 
Atharva Veda. In the Mahabharata we notice that a very high 
position was occupied by them. Brhaspati and Sukra are great 
politicians and religious teachers. 8 They are also said to be 
the Vibhutis of Lord Krsna. Brahaepati propagated the Sastra 
of the Saptacitrasikhandins. He was a trusted teacher of 
Uparioara Vasu. He preached Ahimsa,* Lord Krsna himself is 
said to be a descendant of Sukra. Thus we may say that the 
prevalence of the Bhagavata Dharma and the Dharma-Nlti 
element in the Mahabharata was due to the revising hand of the 

family. Parasurama, Drona, 

1 C&Mbh.V. 10-18. 

4 Of. Mbh. III. 300-310. 

3 CtMbb. XII. 59. 81-85 and XIII. 98. 

1 Of. Mbb. XII. 335-336. 

The Authorship of the Mahabharata 77 

Asvatthaman, Krpa, all had mastered bhe teaching oftheAV. 
regarding the magical missiles, 1 Their superiority in this respect 
is seen at every step in the actual war between the PSndavas 
and the Kauravas. The Kuru princes were but students directly 
or indirectly of these Bhrgvangiras teachers. Bhlsma in Santi 
and Anusasana parvans does nothing but summarise the tea- 
chings of Brhaspti and Sukra, the members of the great Bhrgv- 
angiras family. There will be thus no difficulty in admitting 
that the Bhrgvangiras element is not only very prominent in 
the epic in its present form but is also closely associated with 
the original saga of the Bharatas. Parasurama is connected 
with the epic heroes, and on one occasion had actually attended 
the court of the Kauravas. Bhlsma and Karna are his pupils. 8 
Drona, Asvatthaman, Gautama- all Angirases, are the teachers 
of the Kuru princes. Thus there is no doubt that the Bhrgvangi- 
ras element is vitally connected with the nucleus of the Maha- 

The Vaisnava element and the Dharma-Nlti element in the 
epic were also probably due to these Bhrgvangiras teachers as 
said above. The methods of magical warfare were similarly 
introduced mainly by these Bhrgvangiras teachers. Bhrgu was 
also a great philosopher. 3 The Bhrgvangirases were evidently 
great religious reformers. The old and complicated sacrificial 
observances, though looked upon as high ideals still, were not 
within the reach of the ordinary man. They were too expensive 
and elaborate for him. Hence the religious teachers like the 
Angirases and the Bhrgus found out substitutes for them. These 
substitutes were self-dependent and hence they preached nothing 
but the very same time-honoured ancient Vedic religion; compare 
for example, the oft-recurring sentence Esa dharmas sanatanah 
in the Mahabharata. 

Another thing that also deserves notice in this connection, is 
the great importance of the story-form in the process of instruc- 
tion which must have been appreciated by the Bhrgvangirases. 
The Jains and Buddhists, in order to win the minds of the 

* Of. Mbh. 1. 55 ; VIII. 34 and 90. 4 ; VII. 7. 1-7. 
2 Of. Mbh. V. 173-196 and 7?. 97-103. 
8 See Epic studies VL page 48. 

78 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

masses, used this very popular method of appealing to them in 
later days, but even their early precursors of the epic days must 
have made use of the stories, narratives, fables and so on, for 
preaching their heterodox doctrines. The Brahmanio orthodoxy 
and particularly the Bhrgus and the Angirases, who had felt 
some such need of the proper method of appealing to the people 
must have naturally been very happy to find such a story- 
treasure as the Bharata, ready at hand, Ab that time, the 
legends of the Kuru war must have been a very popular form of 
entertainment for even the enlightened people, who really 
control the thought-waves spreading to the lowest strata of the 

We saw above, that among the Brahmanical families the 
Bhrgvangirases were the most influencial and honoured ones on 
account of their tendency towards religious reforms, their 
regular cultivation of the science of magical missiles, their 
open practice of preaching magic and witchcraft in social and 
political life, as can be seen from the AV., with which their 
names are associated. Their terror was probobly felt even by 
the Ksatriyas, the martial class in the society. The magic 
coupled with the lore of the magical missiles in which the 
Bhrgvangirases were highly proficient might have inspired awe 
towards them among all other classes in the society including 
the Ksatriyas. Moreover, the Bhrgvangirases had championed 
the cause of the Brahmanas, and had whole-heartedly supported 
the Vaisnava religion. Perhaps this is why we find Bhrgu, 
Sukra, Brhaspati and Rama, mentioned as the Vibhufcis of 
K^sna. * Thus the influence of the Bhrgvangirases must have 
worked for the betterment of the condition of the old vedic 
religion. The Bharata like other popular compositions such as 
ballads and epics of all countries was evidently ' a fluid 
text' which could be adjusted to the varying needs of the times 
and the people. It is no wonder then that the Bhrgvangirases 
adopted this fluid text of the Bharata and utilised it as the 
vehicle of instructing the people in the new and simplified forms 
of the Vadic religion devised by them. Thus the Bhrgvangirases 

Of. BhagavadgHS X. 24, 25, 31, 37, 

The Authorship of the Mahabharata 79 

who had already raised Atharva Veda to the rank of the foarth 
Veda, probably also made the saga of the Bharatas occupy the 
elevated position of the fifth Veda. 

Hewing seen the conditions in which the Bhrgvangirases may 
have been tempted to turn the saga of the Bharatas into the 
vehicle of public instruction, we can now easily understand the 
inherent unity in the plot, idea, characterisation and in every 
other respect which has been pointed out mainly by Dahlmann, 
that Champion of the synthetic school. We have reason to 
believe that the fluid text of the Bharata must have been under 
the direct supervision and influence of the Bhrgvangirases for a 
long time. We have seen the inherent unity between the two 
priestly classes of Angirases and Bhrgus both in the vedic and 
the epic literature. This unity already seen in the joint author- 
ship of the AV., ascribed to them by tradition, easily explains 
the joint influence on and supervision of the Mahabharata by tLe 

The work of increasing the bulk of the Mdhabharata by tie 
addition of the episodes must have also been done by the Bhrg- 
vangirases themselves. A question arises whether the Bhrgvan- 
girases were the only persons, who were responsible for the final 
recast of the epic. The answer to rliis question can be giren in 
the affirmative. It is shown above how out of the various names 
of the Brahmanas, seven or eight appear to be the number of tie 
chief families and how even among these seven or eight only 
two i. e. the Angirases and the Bhrgus are predominant iu the 
Mahabharata. The Bhrgvangirases as a matter of fact, form an 
overwhelming majority over all others. There is no enmity 
among tho different members of the families of the Angirases 
and the Bhrgus. We find Brhaspati and Sukra siding with rival 
parties. However, when Kaca goes to Sukra, the latter speaks 
with reverence of the family of Kaca. 1 Between the Angirases 
and the Bhrgus too, we notice the haughty, revengeful nature 
more in the Bhrgus than in the Angirases, However this does not 
come in the way of the inherent unity between these branches of 
the same common stock. We can therefore presume that tha 

1 Of. Mbh. I. 71. 

8o Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

fluid text of the Bharata had come under the preponderating 
influence of the Bhrgvangirases at one time during the growth 
of the epic and they must have incorporated in it all important 
legends current in the society about the superiority of Brahmanaa 
and Brahmanism at that time, since their aim evidently was to 
present an Encyclopaedia of the Brahmanic wisdom, power and 
traditions. This can be suggested from the boast of the epic itself 
at I. 56-63. 

On account of this aim of the redactors we find even a 
number of Brahmanas untraced to any family, mentione/d in tfte 
Mahabharata, though they are individually quite ignorable, 
It is thus on account of the Bhrgvangirases redacting or 
influencing the formation of the epic in its final form that the 
epic has maintained the unity in the midst of its manifold 

The Mahabharata has retained its popularity for the last 2500 
years as has been rightly observed by Dr. Sukthankar 1 not mere* 
ly on account of its barren teaching of the solidarity of religion, 
not only because it is an encyclopaedia of the Brahmanic tradi- 
tions, not merely because of its being a history, but also because 
of its being composed in the form of the narrative poem. Thus 
the chief importance of the Mahabharata is on account oi 
its being a narrative Kavya. Religious instruction through 
the medium of an attractive story-poem-must have been 
the chief aim of these great religious reformers i. e. Bhrgvangi- 
rases in adopting? the Bharata' and turning it into a sort of AD 
encyclopaedia of Brahmanism. The Bhrgvangiras redactors of 
the final form of the Mahabharata have also kept the Suta, the 
traditional minstrel as the principal figure. They themselves 
preferred to remain behind the scene, mainly because the Sutas 
were the traditional singers of the glories of the families. 
They appear to be giving public performances of the 
recital of their own compositions or of those composed by others. 
feuta, therefore, represents the traditional minstrel. If we 
n mind tbe P ur P se b *W*<l this amplification of the 
J^ 6 Bh ?8 v ^girases, we will certainly appre- 
See Euic fcnHi*o \rr ---- ~ rt 

The Aiitboislnp of the Mahabh&ra'a 81 

ciate the traditional setting given to the whole work by them. 
This setting actually strengthened their position, as the tradi- 
tional frame of the work inspired respect among the people. 
This is why we find that the Suta a traditional minstrel, comes 
to the hermitage of the ea%e Saunaka, a Bhargava and describes 
the various holy places which he had recently visited He also 
points out how he had been to the holy place called Samanta- 
pancaka and in fact he was returning from it He tells thero 
how he was adept in narrating the account of the various 
families. Saunaka being a Bhargava naturally asks him to tell 
the account of the Bhrgus. 1 

This is quite appropriate if we bepr in mind the egoistic tenden- 
cies of the ~ Bhrgus when compared with the Angirases. The 
account of tha Angirases also has been narrated at great length 
later on. 2 

Thus the account of the Angirases and the Bhrgus certainly 
favours the conclusion that the Bhrgvafigirascs were jointly respon* 
siblefor the final redaction cf the Jlfahabharatti, for making it a 
Dharma Sastra, and a Nttisastra, and an Encyclopaedia of the Brah- 
manical traditions and for preserving its unity in the midst of its 
manifold diversity. In this final recast of the Mahabharata by 
the Bhrgus and the Angirases, ths central unity was maintained 
the traditional frame work was preserved and at the same time, 
their purpose of the glorification of Brahmanistn was fully 
accomplished. There would indeed be no difficulty in granting 
this conclusion if we remember the following facts, already 
proved above in this connection, about the Bhrgus and the Angi- 
rases. These are - ( 1 ) The numerical superiority of the mem- 
bers of these two families over the members of any other Brahma- 
nical families mentioned in the Mahabharata, (2) their undenia- 
ble mutual connection reflected in the Vedic and the Epic 
Literature, which had created a sort of unity of interest and 
purpose in them ; ( 3 ) their intimate association with the princi* 
pal characters and events of the epic and the influence which 

i Cf. Mbh. 1. 5. 3. 

* Cf. Mbh. III. 217-232. 

11 [ Annals, B. O. B. I i 

8i Annals of tk Blmdarkar Oriental Research Institute 

they wielded in revolutionizing the Methods of warfare by the 
introduction of magical missiles and the Afchanranic riles and 
ohants, ( 4 ) tho preponderance of the Afcharvanic idealogy 
winch is traditionally traced to the Bhrgvangirases, in the 
important events of the Mahabharata story, ( 5 ) the great enthu. 
siasm for religious reform and preservation of old ideals of the 
Vedic religion, which they evince, as is seen from the epic, in 
introducing comparatively easier substitutes for the older com- 
plicated sacrificial ritual, ( 6 ) the existence in the story of the 
Mahabharafca War, of three great warriors of the Angirasa family 
i. e. Drona, Asvatfchaman and Krpacarya who had figured as 
leaders of great importance and which muiifc have tempted the 
Angirases and the Bhrgus of the later days to handle the Maha- 
bhSrata story ; ( 7 ) and lastly, the temptation which the then 
popular story of the Mahabharata "War must have offered to 
these heroic Brahmanas, who could easily foresee with what great 
advantage the story material could be utilized for the purpose of 
approaching the masses, who can be regarded as'one of the most 
important elements in the spread and cultivation of a religious 
system. All these seem to force upon us the one conclusion that 
is stated at the beginning of this paragraph. 






The study of unpaninlan forms in the Critical Edition of the 
Mahabharata is important from different points of view. It is 
one of the chief expedients adopted by the General Editor for 
the construction of the critical text, to find out a reading which 
best explains how the other readings may have arisen. The 
true reading in this case has often proved to be a lectio d^JjicUior 
or an archaism or a solecism. s According to him the conserva- 
tion of the Ms, is proved by its preserving archaisms ' mecha- 
nical corruptions of a faithful copyist while other Mss, have 
discarded them in favour of modern forms. 4 These archaisms 
must necessarily be an original inheritance handed down from 
generation to generation and used indiscriminately* The Gene- 
ral Editor in his Prolegomena puts forth the following querry 
with regard to these archisms. * But can we legitimately 
promise that the original must necessarily have been quite 
flawless from the point of view of the Paninian grammar ? Is it 
not at least likely that the supposed solecism may be a genuine 
lapsus calami of the author or that the usage fluctuated ?' 5 

1 Edited by the late lamented Dr. V. 6'. Sukthankar and published at 
trie Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona. I owe greatly to 
Dr. Sukthankar for not only giving to me the subject for investigation 
but also for presenting before me the plan of the treatment of the topic. 
I have to thank Dr. S. U. Katre for helping me at every stage with his 
guidance. _ 

a The paper is based on the Critical Edition of the Adiparvan, Vana- 
parvan, Virataparvan and Udyogaparvan. It Is thus intended to make use 
of the whole of the Critical Edition of the Mahabharata. 

2 Prolegomena to the S.di. XOII. 
4 ibxdLV. 

6 xbidLXXVIL 

84 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Naturally the study of Unpaninian forms in the Critical Edi- 
tion of the Mahabharata falls into several classes according to 
its nature. It will comprise the following aspects. 

( 1 ) Spelling, { 2 ) guna or vrddhi, ( 3 ) syllabic haplology, 
( 4 ) sandhi, ( 5 ) change of gender, ( 6 ) change of consonantal 
stem to vowel stem in nouns and adjectives, ( 7 ) confusion bet- 
ween different nominal stems, ( 8 ) strong base for weak and 
vice versa* ( 9 ) noun declension, ( 10 ) formation of feminine base 
( 11 ) declension of pronouns, ( 12 ) numerals, ( 13 ) confusion of 
roots, ( 14) confutation of roots in different tenses and moods 
( 15 )"non-finite forms, (16 ) participles, ( 17 ) voice, ( 18 ) simpler 
and causative, ( 19 ) taddhifca, ( 20 ) compounds, ( 21 ) syntax of 
cases, ( 22 ) tautology and word haplology, ( 23 ) negative parti- 
cles, ( 24 ) use of tenses and moods, ( 25 ) illogicality, ( 26 ) 
concord, ( 27 ) use of ca> iti> sma, ( 28 )_use of prepositions, ( 29 } 
historical present and ( 30 ) metres. ! 

In the present paper I am taking into account an indiscrimi- 
nate and irregular use of negative particles ma ( sometimes ma 
stna ) and na. The imperative negative or prohibitive, is from 
the earliest period of the language regularly and usually 
expressed by the particle ma with the augmentless imperfect 
form prevailingly augmentless aorist. 2 In the second person 
these tenses with the augment so cut off have the sense of the 
imperative mood and in the first person and the third it expresses 
a doubt, translated in English by * that ' with ' may ' or ' might ' or 
simply * may '.* ( c f. 4.20.33d ma klcafcavasam gamatn ). Not in 
conformity with this rule regarding the form and the sense, we 
find many instances of aorist and one of imperfect, all not 
deprived of augment Moreover ma is used in almost all the 
tenses and moods, merely as a substitute for na. The variants 
recorded in the brackets with reference to Mss. which always 
try to correct archaic forms, bear out the truth of the statement. 

The pre^o at series will deal individually with these topics. 
??' 41 ?J! MO L *tio Peculiarities of the Bhagavata, Bhara- 

Whitney, Sanskrit grammar, p. 217.579. 
Apt*. Student's guide to Sanskrit Composition, pp. 137, 211. 

Unpanintan forms and Usages in Mah&bb&rata 85 

The use of na also, we find very irregular, doing occasionally 
duty in the place of ma with the aorist. We see at least three 
instances of na with augmented aorisb and three with aug- 
mentless aorist, all expressing prohibition. Compounds with 
ma and na are not wanting and moreover, they are easily inter- 
changeable without any change in meaning. One thing should 
be noted about these compounds-, following the false analogy of 
combinations like tad anu viewed as tadanu, perhaps the negative 
particles are compounded to the adjoining word. ] Next we find 
one queer instance in 3.24(X2 a (akarslh T2 Gl mci karsih) where 
augmentless aorist form compounded with a- as a first member 
of the compound, is used to indicate prohibition. Lastly we 
have one big group of instances of optatives with na in a prohi- 
bitive sense, a new phase appearing in the Vedas and bee jming a 
familiar construction in later literature. 2 The instances in the 
Mahabharata are too many to quote and all are prescript! 7e in 
character. I have selected only two from each parvan to serve 
our purpose. Thus we find that the spheres of ma and na are 


1. 3.133 24 a ?na sma te te grhe rajan satravanam api 
dhravam 1 vatasarathir adhatte \ 

2. 3.130.4^ pravista prthivlm vira ma nisada hi mam 

viduh \ 

3. 3.281,24 ma vai dvitlyam ma trtlyam ca vaficche \ 


1. 3.153. *13 ma smah&m ksatriyakule jatucit punar 
abhavam \ 


1. 1.3.65 d tav asvinau muncato ma visldatam \ 

[ Kl.3 Nl Vl D2 T2 G4-6 M Arjp visidathah, Tl Gl 

1 Of. Whitrey, Sanskrit grammar, p. 514, 1314 b . 

2 Whitney, Sanskrit grammar, p. 217, 579-80. 

R Whitney gives one instance of ma with the imperative and remarks 
that it is a single instance met with ia the older language* 

86 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

2, 1.3.104 ma vicar aya \ 

3. 1.36.24 d ma srngin garvito bhava \ 

4. 1.605/7 ma maivam vada susroni i 

5. 1.610/4 tatha kurusva sasfcroktarh vivaham ma ciram 
kuru \ 

6. 1.612.*7 tarn derlih punar utthapya ma suca iti punait 
punaii \ 

7. 1.68.25- 1 ma atmanam avamanyathah \ 

8. 1.J71.36* maivam suoo ma ruda devayani \ 

[ Si K maivam rodzh ( Si rudo, K.1 dado ) M6-8 tan ma 
rudo, Bl.6 Da2 D2.3 Ti G6 rudah ] 

9. 1.73.30* niskrfcir me'stu va masfu \ 

10. 1.759.*) ma ssoclr vrsaparvas tvarh ma krudhyasva 
visam pate I ( T2 G6 rudhas tvam ) 

11. L?89.*2 ma calnam sayane samahvaya \ 

12. 187.8 a prcchami tvain ma vrapata prapatam I 

13. L87.10 a tarns te dadami ma prapata prapatam I 
( Ko.4 T2 Gl.2.6 prapafah ) 

14. 1.87.15 a tams te dadami ma prapata prapatam I 

15. 1.88.3* tarns te dadami pata ma prapatam I 
( TG 1,2.5.7 prapatah ) 

16. 1.1373*.? TTzaivarh jlrnam upassva tvam 

( Nl.3 upaslh, D5 T2 G4.5 upasisthah ) 

17. L13L17 C ma ca vo'astv asubham kimcit I 

18. 1.142.23 a tvarasva bhlma ma krlda jahi rakso vibhl- 

sanam I 
( Ko bhais tvam, ]ST2 Bl 3 haslh ) 

19- 1.1578* 2 tasja siddhir lyam prapta ma iocata 

paraihtapali I 

20. 1.1580*.! snuse ma roda ma rodety evam vyfiso'bravld 

vacat. i 

21. 1.1621*1 maiv&m vada sukalyani tistha gehe 

90 samadhyame I 

u. 1.158.11 3 aiafc tisthata ma mahyam samlpam 

9 upasczrpata I 

23. 1.165.20-* yathecohasi taihft ksipram kurn tvam ma 

vicaraya \ 

-4. 1.1860* 2 b ma simhanadan kuru piarvajeha I 

Vnpaninian forms and Usages tn Mababharata 87 

25. 1.189. 5^ ma vo martyasakasad vai bhayam bhavatu 

karhicit I [ K2 Nl S ( Gz om, G3 before corr ) na ] 

26. 1.194.12 d tavat praharanam tesam kriyatarh ma 
vicaraya \ 

27. 3.32.3 a astu vatra phalarh ma va kartavyam purusena 
yat \ 

28. 3.88. 27 d te sarhsayoVw ma \ 

( S ma bhut te samsayotra vai ) 

29. 3.559*.l esa te rudra bhago vai ma no yajfiam imam 

jahi \ 

29 a * 3.131.l9 cd ma rajan margam ajfiaya kadallskandam 

aruha I 

30. 3.141*15 d padbhir eva gamlsyamo ma rajan vimana 

bhara \ 
( Ml hi bhuh, T2 G^-4 tasmafc kim bhavita bhayani ) 

31. 3.141.16 d ma rajan virnana bJiava I ( Ml hi bhuh) 

32. 3.141.20 cd ma te glSnir mahabaho ma ca teVzt para- 

bhavah \ 

33. 3.824' K ".A & 4. rjum pzSyata ma vakrarh satyam vadata 

Tnanrfcam I dlrgbarn pasyata ma hrasvam param 
pasyata maparam \ 

34. 3,172.18 a arjunarjuna ma yunksva divyany astrani 

bbarata I 

35. 3.190.34 a ma mandukan jighamsa tvam I 

( G-1,2.4 Ml jighamsih ) 

36. 3.218.18 d tasmad Indro bhavan adya bhavita md 

vicaraya \ 

37. 3.229,28 C dvesyam ma adyaiva gacchadhuam dharma- 
rajanlvesanam \ ( BDc Dn D4.6 G;3 na, Tl G2.4 na ) 

38. 3.1118*.! raksanlya mahababo maivarh. <uada maha- 

mafee \ 

39. 3.239.7 a praslda ma tyaja atmanam \ ( Gl.2.4 M na ) 

40. 3.240.23 C ma visadarh nayasva asman I 
( Dn D4 6 gamas, B4 na ) 

41. 3.1173*.! tvadadblna vayam rajan ma tvam asman 
vicaraya \ 

42. 3.251.20 cd maiva,ra ity abravlfc krsna Zojjosveti ca saind* 
havam I ( Dc2 na lajjasveti ; B4 lajjase na ) 

88 Annals of the Ehandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

43. 3.252.22 C provaca ma ma sprsateti bhlfca \ 

44. 3.263.32 a mavislda naravyaghra I ( T Gl,2.4 visadam) 

45. 3.264.58 a ma ca te' stu bhayam bhlru ravanal loka- 

garhitat l [ S ( except T2 G3 bhut ) ] 

i6. 3.281.106 d yathagatam subhe gaccha panthanam jna 
ricaraya \ ( T2 G2.4 avicaraija ) 

47. 3.292.11 b sivas te santu panthano ma ca te parlpan- 
thinai. I 

48. 4.13.17 a ma sutaputra hrsyasvo madya tyaksyasi 

jlvitam \ 

49. 4.358M saranam bhava kaunteya ma samgaccha yudhl- 

sthiram \ 

50. 4,20.4 e ma dharmam jaln eusroni krodham jahi maha. 

mate \ 

51. 4.482*. 3 ma pasyata smeki ca tarn bruvantah I 

52. 4.o92*.l ma grains tvam imam vrksam simhanadam ca 
ma kuru \ 

53. 4 668*.l ma ma grharia bhadram te daso'ham te brhan- 

nale I 

54. 4.1027^.9 ma manabhangam viprendra kuru visrufeakar- 
manali \ 

55. 41132*.8 tasman rna vismayas te' stu \ 

56* 5.9.29 d kurusvaitad yafchokfcaih me taksan ma tvam 
mcaraya \ [ K ( except Kz ) DlO vtlambithah ] 

57. 5.29. 47 C ma vanam chindhi savyaghram ma vyagbran 
mnaso vanat \ l 

58. 5.36.30 ab rna nah kule vairakrt kascid astu rajamatyo 

ma parasvapabail \ [ Dl na ( for the second ma ) ] 

59. 5.37. 41 C ma vanara chindhi savyaghram ma vyaghran 
ninaso vanat I 

60. 5.54.40 d ma rajan vimanE bhava \ 

61. 5.67. 19 C buddhis ca ma te cyavatu \ 

62. 5.469*.l sa bhav5n suhrdo vasyam vaco grhnatu 

manrtam \ 

63. 5.131.7 b nttistha he kapurusa ma sesvaiv&m parajitah \ 

1 Dr. Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, p. 318, 405. when subjoined to some chief 
sentence mS admits of being translated by * lest *. 

UnpQiiiman forms and Usages in Mahabhdrata 89 

64. 5.131. ll d uttistba be kaptirusa ma sesvaivam para]ifcah I 
( K4 B Dn Ds D6-8.10 ma svapslh ) 

65. 5.131. 29 a ma dbumaya juala \ 

66. 5.132.7d anvarthanama bhava me putra ma vyartha- 
namakai I I D9 T2 G ( except G4 ) na ] 

67. 5. 132. lla evam vidvan yuddbyamana bhava ma 
pratyupahara \ [ Ds D2 G2 Od.s prafyavahirah; B (except 
B 3) Dn2 D3.4.6 Tg Ca.n harah } 

68. 5.145.27 d tvayi jlvati ma rastram vinasam upa- 
gacchatu \ 

69. 5.156.13 d ma vimana bhava \ 

70. 5.172.8 C ?naivam vacJa mahlpala naitad evam katham* 

cana \ [ K3.4 B (except B2 ) Dnl D6.8 na\ Kl.2.5 Tl.2 
vadih ] 

71. 5.178.22 C praslda ma va I 1 

72. 5 179. 24 a ma maivam putra nirbandham kuru vIpreDa 

partbiva I 


1. 1.116 23 d ma mam madri nivartaya ( Tl G2.6 ma 

madri na ) 

2. 1.1562,^1 visesato matsakase ma prakasaya nlcatam I 

3. 1.1860.*2 C ma gboratam dariaya Satrumadhye I 

4. 1.223.18 d sivas trata bbava asmakarh ma asman adya 

vina say a \ ( Nl na ) 

5. 3.23. 22 ab jahi salvarh mababaho 7?io^'nam jivaya kesava \ 

6. 3.134.3 a vyagbrarh sayanam prati ma prabodhaya \ 

( Ms bubodhih ) 

7. 3.239.5 cd wakrfcarh Sobhanam partbaiL. sokain alambya 
nasaya J 

8 4.670*.l, ma ma maraya bbadrarh fce mufica mamemi 

me grbam \ 

9. 5.l45.33 b visesatas tvadartham ca dhuri ma mam 
-niyojaya \ 

10. 5.146,22 d ciferakara ivSlekhyam krfcva ma sma vinaiuya \ 

11. 5. 188. 3 d te tvam nivarayanty prasvapam ma 

prayojaya \ ( S prayuyujah ) 

1 ibid. 318, 405. ma with the imperative, expresses doubt or certainty, 
12 [ Annal?, B. O. R. I. ] 

90 Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 


1, 3. 190. 46 ma kriyatam anubandhal. l 
[ B3.4 D ( except Dl-3 ) Gs" ML na ] 

2, 3. 239. 12 f naiv* bbogais oa me karyarirma vihanyata 

gacchata \ 

3, 5- 116. 6 ed yadi sakyam mabaraja kriyatam ma 
vicanjatam \ 

(Dn Ds DL6.8 avicaritam ; T Gl.3-5 M ma mcarana) 


1. 1.26.11 ma tva daheyuh sarhkrtiddba valakhilya 

marlcipaii \ ( Ns Gl-3 Mi na ) 

2. 1.78.37 d prasadam kuru me brahman jareyam ma viseta 

mam I [ Ko.l.3.4 BS naviseta, NBl.4-6 D ( except D2^5 } 
TI Gl.2 na viseta, Kz naviset j 

3. 1.141.21 d ma sabdah sukhasuptanam bhratfnam me 
bhaved iti \ [ B ( except Bs ) Da D2.4 samabliut } 

4* 1.183. 9 C ma vo vidyuh parthivali kecaneha t 

5. 3.38.l b ?nasmakam ksatriyakule janma kascid ava- 
pmiyat \ 

6. 3.139,13 d eya te brabmaha yajfiam ma drastum praviied 
iti \ ( Ti na ) 

7. 3.708*.3 anena vai pafeha ma vai gacched iti vicarya 
sah l { Do na ) 

8. 3.147,40 cd dharsayed va saped vapi ma kascid iti 

bbarata \ 

9. 3.183.12 c 77zaivam atre punar bruyah ( Bl.3.4 na ) 

10. 3.221.40 d kurudbvarh vikrame buddbim ma vat kacid 

vyatha bhavet \ ( DC na ) 

11. 3.282 32 b sarvesam eva bbavatam samtapo ma bhaved 

iti l ( Ds na ) 

12. 3.285.10* ma asmai te kundale dadya bhiksave vajra- 

panaye t ( K D c Dt-3,5 dah ) 

13. 4.16.1 ma visade manaii kuryad \ 

14. 4.296*,2 tena satyena mam drstva kicako ma vasiam 
nayet \ 

Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar, p. 217, 579, 579*. A single instance 
used prohibitively with ma in BY. 

Unp&yinian forms and Usages in Mahabharata 91 

15. 4.358*.3 ma sma slmantin! kacij janayet putram Idrsam I 

16. 4.32. 18 C ma tva vrksena karmani kurvanam atimanu- 

sam I janah. samavabudhyeran bhlmo'yani iti biarata I 
( D2+na ) 

17. 4.1040*.! ma te svako'rtbo mpateta mohat I 

18. 4.64.5 d md tva brahmavisam ghoram sarnulam api 

nirdahet \ 

19. 4.1144^.61 yac ca vaksyami te sarvam ma sankethah 

yudbisthira I 

20. 5. 9. 7 d visa dam agamac chakra indro ? yam ma bhaved 
iti \ 

21. 5. 16. 26 b ???d tvam pnsyer nahusam vai kadacit I 

22. 5. 40, 17 d budhyasva ma fcvarh pralabheta rajan I 

23. 5. 93. 3> ma te dharmas tatliaivartho nasyeta bhara- 
tarsabha \ ( Kl D2-4 na ) 

24. 5, 94. 3'4 b anujfiatali svasti gaccha maiv&m bhuyah 
samacareh \ 

25. 5. 433*. 1 ma sma bliuyah Jcsipeh kamcid 1 

26. 5. 131. 28 cd ma sma BimantinI kacij janayet putram 
Idrsam l 

27. 5. 133. 30 C ma iv&pasyet sukrpanam satrui. srlman 
kadacana I ( T3 G* na ) 


1. 1. 46. 40 d dvijasya yo'dadad dravyam ma nrp&mjivayed 
iti U T G6 Ml.5 na ) 

2. 5, 72. l d ma sma yuddhena bhisayeU \ 


1. 1. 33. 7 d ma nah kzlo'tyagad ayam \ 

2. 1. 97. 24 b ma naL. sarvaa vyamnasaly \ 

( Si vinenasah ; Kl M6 vininasah ) 

1 ibid. 579, 579e. He quotes three instances from the older language 
vyapaptat x 8b ) ; agas ( TA ) ; anasat ( KS ). 

Of. RSmSyanp, masankih 4. 13. 36d ; ma anvagah 4.30. 81^ Nearly all 
types of linguistic peculiarities discussed in this paper are seen in Rama~- 
yatia; e. g. ma vada 6. 113. 3S^ , ma ksapayasva 7. 20. lid , ?no kury^h 7. 40. 
ll a<b ; ma gamisyama 7. 35. 63^, ma ciram 6.114.7^; natidnre 4. 27, 11<= 
naikah 6. 111. 64^ ; etc. etc. 

92 Annals of the Bhandxrkar Oriental Research Institute 

3. 1. 122. 6 a maiv&w. jlrnam upasisthah ( K4 na ; Qi.-s 4 
?2a; Nl B3 upasis tvam ), 

4. 1. 147. 16 b ma tvam kalo ? tyagad ayatn I 

( Bl atigat) Kl dbhigat ) 

5. 8. 23. 24 d ma tvam fc&lo'tyagat punali \ 

6. 3. 35. 2 C tan^/za ^athaii kitavai^ra^acfem^ 

7. 3. 125. 10 d maivam ma paryasahkithah \ ( DC na ) 

8. 3. 205. 8 d ma tva dharrao' tyagan mahan \ ( G4 

9. 3, 253, 20* ma vah kalai. ksipram iha atyagad vai 

10. 3. 253. 21 b ma asmatsakase parusany avocah \ 

( Kl. 4 Ml vacah ) 

11. 4. 13. 18 d te tvam nihanyuh kupitah sadhv alam ma 
vyanlnasah I ( CSl Or vinlnasah ) 

12. 4- 15. 39 a klcako mavadhit tatra suraharlm gatarh 

tava ( B4 ma vadhlt ) 

13. 4.221*.! evam nivasamanayarh mayi ma te bhayam 
hy abhut \ 

14. 5,20,21 d ma vai. kalo' tyagad ayam I 

15. 5.93.52 d ma manyuvasam anvagah \ 

16. 5.122.31 d ma manyuvsam anvagah I 

17. 5.122.58 b maparabhut idam kulam I 

18. 5.125^ cl ma manyuvasam anvagah \ 

19. 5.172.7* ma te kalo ? tyagad ayam I* 

1. 4<3<X7 j tan parlpsa manusyendra ma nes u h pasavas 
tava 1 ( Q 1.2 ma nasyat, M ma nasyan ) 


1. 1.26.11 b putra ma sahasam karslr ma sadyo lapsuate 

vyatham I 

2. U19.8* ma draksyasi kulasyasya ghorarh samksayam 
atmanah [ Nl. BD ( except D 5 ) dra/csi, tvam ] 

3. 3.U4 8 C ma parasram abhidrogdha ma dharman sakalSn 

naslh I 

r. Sptijer, Sanskrit Syntax, p. ^47. 353 B 4. 

Unpaninian forms and Usages in Mahabharata 95 

4. 3.720*.l ma vrfcha prapsyase vadhatn I 

5. 3.147.5 d ma tvarh prapsyasi vaisasam I 

6. 3.147.6 d ma tvarh prapsyasi vai&asam I 

7. 3.147. 14 d ma tva nesye yamaksayam \ 

8. 3.#38.35 dhrfclrh grhmta ma satrun socantau nandayi- 
syathdh \ 

9. 4.13.17 a madya tyaksyasi jlvitam \ ( Ds mU atyatyaksit ) 
10. 4,303*. 8 ma gamisijasi durbuddhe gatirh durgantaran- 

taram \ ( Gl na agamisyati ) 


1. 3.237. 7 C paramarso ma bhavisyat kurudaresu sarrada 
( K3 TG2 Ml nabhavisyat ) 


1. 5.103,30 7naiVam bhUya ifci snehat tada cainam uvaca 
ha ( Kl B5 Ds GL Ca.d bhuyah ) 


1. 1.2.186 a maivam ifcy abravlt krsnali samayarfis tasya 
tad vacai. \ 

2. 1.1176*.! aprajafcvam manusyendra sadhu ma puskare- 

ksana I 

3. 1.169.7 a ma tata tafca fcateti na te tata mahamunili \ 

4. 3.104.22 d ma te buddhir &io'nyatha \ 
( D3.5 ma te bhud buddhir anyatha I 

5. 3.3 09. 9 a vatain cahuy a ma sabdam ity uvaoa sa tapasali I 

[ S ( except T2 G3 ) ma sdbda ] 

6. 3.140.15 b krsnam sarve raksata ma pramadam \ 

7. 3.152.1 e ma maivam ifci sakrodhair bhartsayadbhii. 

samantatat \ 

8. 3*178.49 C maivam ity abruvan bhlrnam I ( B3.4 naivam ) 

9. 3.193.20 b ma te buddhir ato'nyatha \ 

( Si K Dl.2.5 ma te bhud buddhir anyatha ) 

10. 3.1003*.! ma sma kruddha balakeva I 

11. 3.1109*.! samnaiva tatra vikranfca via sahasam iti 

prabho I 

12- 3.262,35 d maivam ity abravld racab. t 
13. 3.266.11 d ma dram \ ( also 1.1.161 b ) 

94 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

14. 5.143,12 C sutapufcra iti ma sabdah parthas tvam asi 
yiryavan I 

15. 5.166.25 d ma sma tail, saha sarhgamaii l 

16. 5.582*.4 ma ramety abruvan vacah. 


L maciram-1.18 2 d ; l,41.10 a ; 1.198 24 b ; 1.19S5.*4; 1.209.17d ; 
1.2140M ; 3.59* 4 ; 3.52.8* ; 3,68.16 d ; 3.122.15* ; 3.185.45*; 
3.215.13 d ; 3.232.6 d ; 3.221. 27 a ; 3.235. 15 d ; 3.241.35*; 
3.247.36* ; 3.1245*M ; 3.28l.9S b ; 4.42.31 d ( Dl.3 vacirat)\ 
4.186*4; 5.22.*1; 5.9.10*; 5.10.13 d ; 5.33.1 d ; 5.97.20^ 
5.102.7 b ; 5.104,26 d ; 5.105.19 d ; 5.177.5 d ( T2 G ma ctram); 
5.178.22 d ; 5.19223 d ; 

3. madirgham - 4.20.13 a . 


1. 5.30.3 b na no'karsih \ 

2. 5,89.13 d na agrahih \ 

3. 5.39. 21 d na amamsthah \ 


1. 3.31.9 ab navmtmstha hi sadrsan sre jasaL kutali I 

2. 3.134.27 ab agnir dalian jatavedah satam grhan 

visarjayams tejasa na sma dhakslt \ ( Ds, ma ; 

TQl.3.4 adhakslt ; G2 vyadha? ) 
L 5.35.30 b na kamad anrtam vadlh l 


1. nakasmat - 3.282.29c ( K i.a Dc D2 TQlA4 na kasmm ) 

2. nagasam- 1.71.39 b [ K ( except Ks ) NBDa Dn Dl.2.4.5 

agatan Ds S anagasam ]. 

3. natikrcchrat - 1.27.7 d ; 1.119.l7 d 

4 natikovidam - 4.38.1 d ( S akovidam ). 

eoo l cal of 

Unp&ninian forms and Usages m Mahdbharata 95 

5. natigadham - 4.120*.51 

6. naticaran - 1.110 13 ( TsGl.2.4 nabhi ( G4 oti ) caret ; G3 

naticare ; Mfi-8 naiicaret ; Si ^a vicaran ; Ko avicaran ; 
K2 Bim D ( except Da Dl.4 ) api caran ; Da D4 avicaran ; 
K3 N2.3 Bl.3.5 api caran ; K4 B6 abhi ( B6 w ) carah ; 
M3 ajpi care ] 

7. naticiram- 1.145 2 e [ TG ( G6 ora ) suciram] ; 3.153 31<=. 

8. nWdcirat - 3.290.2 d 

8 a . natidlrgham - 3.76,19 d 
8 b . natidlrghena - 3.106 7 a 

9. natiduram - 4.36.4 a 

10. natidural - 1.817"M 

11. natidure - 1.138.30* ; 3 154.21 a 
ll a . natidhanindh - 3.97.]0 a 

12. natiprajnah - 5.110.20 a 

13. natipranitarasmih - 5.75 14 a 

14. na^pra77iana&- 1.1.93* 5 4.26 3*. 2 
14 a . natibahu^rutah - 3.198.54<i 

15. natibharah - 1.55.36 a 

16. natimanasam- 5.178.9 a [ K2.4.5 BD ( escept Dl.2.7 ) 
vaz vimanasam ] 

17. na^??ia?iaAi-1.35.3 a [ M2.3 ( inf. lin. as in text ). 4 
ailva rnahan ] 

18. natimahat - 1.135.17 b [ Ko.2 napi ?uahat ; K3.4 TzcZ^Aa 
mahat ] 

19. natimahata - 1.26.20 C ; 1.85 2*.3 ; 5.7.3 C [ Kl. Dl 
atimahata ; D2.9 mahata ] 

20. natimahatdh - 1,81,3 ( K3 Dnlm catimahata ) 

21. na^ma?zak~ 3.198.87' (Si Kl S Del D4 6 G3 anabhi 
manah B Dc2 Dn nabhimanah ) 

22. natiyatnena - 3.20. ll c 

23. riativelam - 4.917*.22 t 

24. natisvastha - 3.214*.! 

25. natihrstamanah - 1.51.18 ; 3.8. 13^ 

26. natthrstantarotma - 1.51.3 

27. riat%hrasva - 1.61.96* [ M ( except M5 ) na hrasva ] 

28. natyantam - 1.1.185 C ( Cd atyantam ) 

29. natyusnasisira~h 5.140.17* 1 ^ 

30 nabhUgaristadaSaman - 1.70.14 C ( D3 TG tathctivari$ta ; 
M tathaii,a dista* ) 

96 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

3L nabhagek&vakuin - 1.70.13 b 

32. naryakarma - 5.74.6 a 

33. nalpam - 4.19.2S a 

34. navardh - 4.43, 8 d ( K2 Ds-4 C c avarah ) 
34 a riavarom - 3.31.9 b 

35. nastikah - 5.35.40<* ; 5.137.7 b { G2 krodhano ) 

36. nastikah - 3.181. 20 f ; 3.898M 5 3.188.22 C ; 3.247.3c 

37. nastikan - 3.198.66 a 

38. ?ias/zA;e - 1.664M ; 5.39.59^ 

39. nastikesu - 5.39.48 b 

40. bhrsanasttkak - 3.923*.l 

41. nastikyam - 3.32.1^ ? 3.32,38^ ; 

42. nastikyat - 3,32.5^ 

43. necchamanah - 1.1 629*. 2 

44. naikah - 5.38 24<* 

45. naikan - 3.S1.104 a ( Si D2.4 e/mn ; G4 ^Aam ) 3*61,104^ 
3.61.104<1 ( Dl anekan ) 

46. naikah - 3.61. 104 b ( Si ekah ; Dl anekah ) 

47. naikasya - 3.149.16 C ( Si K Dl-3 5 aparyaptas tavaikasya; 
Tl GB ?za caivaikasya M iava^kasya ) 

48. naikadhci - 3, ! 2.48 b 

49. wmTcapaksiganaklrnam - 1.64. 18 C 

50. waf/faratnavioitram - 5.58.6 a 

51. na^arupinaii - 5.97.8 b ' ( Kl.2.5 Bl 3 Dl.5.8.10 Gl4 

aneka ) 

52. natka^Oh - 5.134,9 a ( K4 ar^fe ; B3 Dl-4 eka* ) 

53. nosrmm - 5.72.19* ( Gl kruram na ) 

54. nodvignah ~ 5.82.17 C 

55. nakusalam - 5.88,56<i ( Ki akusalam ) 

56. na^rftafr - 1.86.5 a ( K 2 a^r/ia/i ; S na grhasthah ) 

57. naciram - 4.35.4 a ( Bl.2 Ds nariram ) 

58. nacireva - 3.163. 13 C ( K 4 Tg G3.4 aciretw ) 

4.177 .2 ( K B3.4 Dl-3.5-8.10 acin^a ; DC aforet?a) 

59. nacirat - 1.3.130 ( D2-5 Gs MI acirat ) 5 1.11.10 d ; 
1.20.1^ ; 1.1389* 1 ; 3,66.22 a ; 3.92.9^ ; 3.92 22< ; 4,55.12 b ; 
5.1L2F; 5.35.54*; 5.38.26*; 5.38.44 b ( Kl.5 B3.4 D348 
acirat) 5.101.24c ( S acirat) ; 5.122.24 d ; 5.126.29* 
5.160.16 ( K 4 B Dni Ds Dl.3.6-8.10 Gl acirat ) 5.192.27 b 

( B2.4 D2.10 odw^s^ j D3 na ca dusta ; ) 4.74* 2. 

Unpatjinian forms and Usages in Mahabhdrata 97 

61. Jiodwrayata - 3.253.16d ( Si adzZra ; Ts Gl.2.4 na dura- 

yata ) ; 

62. nabhutapurvah - 1.182.5 d ( M.6-8 abhutapuTv&h ) 

63. namantravid - 5.38.3^ ( Kl Ml.3-5 namarJravat K2.4.5 
Ml.8 Ms namantravit} ; 

64. namohitau - 5.111.3 d ( K4 BDn anumohitau ; D3.4.9 
samahitau ; S samahitau ) 

65. vasamam - 3.19.10 C ; 3.237.3 C 5 

66. nasukaram - 3.13.103 d ( T G2.4 Ml.2 asukaram ) 

67. nasvastha - 3.51. l c ( GI asvastha ) 

68. nasvastham- 3.51, 5 C ( K2.3 B2-4 D2 3.4 6 DnTGl-4 MI 
asvastham ) 

69. nasyota - 3.31.25 b 

70. nahatam - 3.22.7 d ( M2 anihatam ) 


1. 1.47*1 6 C ksatfcaram ?zeha me kascifc ajnatat prawsed iti I 

2. 1.132.12 a yatha ca tvam na sankeran parlksanto'pi 

pandavait I 
3 t 3.184.13 ab ^a casucir apy anirniktapanir ?2abrahmaTi} 

juhuyan ?zavipascifc I 
4, 3.203.45 na hiwisyat sarvabhutani maitrayanagafcas 

caret I nedarh jlvitatn asadya vairatn kurvita kenacit \ 

5. 4.32.12<i na gacched dvisatam vasam \ 

6. 4.42.6 a lobhad va te na janlyuh I 

7. 5.10.24 d tasmafc santam na jighamseta dhlraii \ 

8. 5,24.8 C na kamarfcham sarntyajeyur hi dbarmam i 

1 Whitney, Saoskrit grammar, p. 217, 579. 530. He quotes the following 
instances from vedic literature, na nsyema ( RV ) na catisrjen na juhuyftt 
( AV ) ; na kuryat ( SB ) na diva sayzta ( SGS ). 

13 [ Annals, B. O. R. L ] 


In A. B. O. R I. Vol. XXI pp. 280-284, Prof. V. S. Agrawala, 
M.A., has written some notes on the Mahabharata. One or 
two subjects in them, which appeared to me to be calling for 
further elucidation, were referred to Vyakaranacarya Vinayak 
S. Tillu, Dharma Shastri, Professor in Sanskrit Maha Vidyalaya, 
Ifcdore -and I have pleasure in giving a gist of his remarks' 
together with my speculations. 

In his note on ifr and tmsr, Prof. Agrawala refers to 
(mentioned in Maha. Virat Parvan 38-40-55 verses 57-58). 
Now the word *m in the sense of " *frr%snc: " is both masculine" 
and feminine gender, Considering that the cow is held in such 
high esteem, as a holy animal, ii is a question whether its skin 
was utilised as a covering for a scabbord ? Possibly the leather 
of a bull was meant, as probably it is tougher than that of a cow. 
This question deserves still further elucidation. 

The same Professor quotes Patanjali as follows : 

( Ed. Kielhorn, Vol. II. p. 284 ) and observes that while the first 
and the last Akhyanas or stories are well-known, the middle 
one i s now not found to exist in any book. Subandhu's Vasav- 
dattamentioQBa wife of Vasavadatfca named fihURmir. Does 
Paianjah refer to this reference whioh may have tarn detailed 

l T rk0f m ^' Which was P robab1 ^ available 
h, he being nearer the time of the former ? 

M. V. Kibe 


Embedded in the 9th chapter, which is held to be of <MlQ^r and 
TF3TS5T, thus according to the ancients, comparatively at least, 
and tradition of some standing, the most important chapter in 
this great work, are the following lines 

In a paper read by me before the 6th Oriental Conference held 
at Patna in December 1930, and published in its proceedings, I 
bad tried to give a ground for holding that the Glta was post 
Buddhist. To my mind the hemistiches quoted above support the 
same theory. 

These lines are not foreign or redundant to the context and 
therefore, cannot be called to be interpolations. They quite fit in 
where they are and therefore must be held to be a part of the 
argument of the original work. 

These two lines make a distinction between the two classes, 
one TTTflrnr: ( unholy ones ) and the other called in contrast as 
gtf?TT: ( holy ones ), and in the former category are culled women, 
merchants and servants, i. e. besides women, are included the 
last two of the four castes, as belonging to the <m division. 
Brahmans are put in the holy S^T division, while of the warrior 
caste people, those who are devotees are alone included. 

There was no such distinction in pre-Buddha time. Even 
among the teachers, which is the main quality of Brahmans, are 
found women as well as members of the four castes. It is not 
necessary to quote instances, since there is no dispute about 
this fact. It was only after the Buddha that his preachings 
appealed more closely to Vaisyas, Sudras and women and 
some Ksatriyas and those are exactly the categories of the 
human beings or society who are relegated to the unholy ( <tn* ) 
division. The qualification of being a *Trff ( devotee ) in the case 
of a Ksatriya, is also remarkable and supports the idea since 
no such qualification is required in the case of a Brahman, be- 

ioo Annals of the Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

cause among the followers of the Buddha there were only a few 
such. It is also well-known that even the delayed and reluctant 
admission of women by Gautama, the Buddha in the Sanghag, 
introduced immorality and eventually were a strong factor in 
their deterioration and fall from the high ideals, by, for instance, 
the introduction of idol worship, which appeals to women most, 
These circumstances must have been a strong reason for includ- 
ing women, among 

Had the Glta been, at least in its present form, pre-Buddhist, 
no such distinction among the followers of the Vaidik or Brah- 
manic religion can be conceived. The alluring inducement to 
these wrsfWT: to follow the teaching of the Glta points to the 
same thing. 

M. V. Kibe 


In order to make the Bhagvadgtta a bulwark against the 
different philosophies prevailing after the spread of Buddhism 
in India, several hands appear to have made attempts to 
strengthen the shape given to it for the purpose. The attempt 
has immensely succeeded as can be judged from the fact of the 
existence of numerous and continuous commentaries on it, to 
elucidate its meaning and also from the fact that it destroyed 
the teaching of the Buddha and made clear the way for the esta- 
blishment of the reformed "Vedic religion, which became not 
only more popular, by becoming less ritualistic and which 
assumed a shape, which catered for all classes and more or less 
developed intellect of the common people. 

Besides those, who have been commenting by way of explana- 
tion and expatiation, upon the entire GJta, several critics have 
some forward to dissect its body in order to find the main argu 
ment of the work by discarding what appear to them to be incon- 
gruous, contradictory or extraneous matter and thus giving it 
a reasonable shape, according to the view held by an individual 

Mtscellanea icr 

critic. Undoubtedly the lead in this direction has been taken 
by Western Scholars, but there have been Indians, who mostly 
led by the anxiety to fit in the work in the surrounding in. which 
it is set, viz ; the atmosphere of the Mahabharata war, have short- 
etied it to geven or confine it to about seventy, stanzas. 

But perhaps the most withering and scattering criticism to 
which work has been subjected is by the Latent Light Culture 
ofTinnevelL But they having made it confidential it is not 
possible to do anything more than allude to it, so that if and 
when the veil put upon it is removed, the whole teaching may 
be availed of. Mention of it is simply made to show that 
the process of the examination of the text of the Bhagvadglta is 
not yet over, but it is possible to put in new stanzas so as to 
bring out of it the meaning that, according to the critic- may be 
a complete whole and not discursive. 

The text sponsored by the Shuddha Dharma Maha Mandal, 
which has its head-quarters at Madras, is already before the 
public. About it, however, it is to be remarked that instead of 
helping to reduce the mass of doctrine, or doctrines, it has intro- 
duced the new element of sectarian worship in it by includ- 
ing additional of matter from other parts of Mahabharata. 

It is, however, not much hazardous to point out the main 
argument of the Glta in a couple of stanzas, the rest being but 
an attempt to expand the theme in an understandable way to the 
less erudite and to those common people whose intellecual acumen 
is of the average kind. 

In chapter 2, the second line of the stanza 37 is as follows : 

Therefore Kaunteya-an affectionate nama of A.rjuna- making 
resolve to fight, get up. 

( It should be re-called here that Arjuna had sat down dejected, in 
the hind portion of the chariot ). 

Obviously the argument referred to by " Therefore " is in the 
portion preceding this part. 

Sri Krsna opens his discourse as follows * 

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 


You are lamenting for those, for whom you should not lament, 
and yet talk about knowledge. Knowers do not lament (whether 
the dead or the not dead ). It is not that I was not in tie past, 
neither that you and those rulers of men were not so, nor shall 
we be existing in the future. 

The three stanzas that follow 

$ % 

are an argument to show the utter unreality of the outer pheno- 

The stanza that follows clinches the argument. 

firol; **mr HT^T^T &&& ^^ : \ 

; u 

What does" not exist cannot be taken to exist, nor what is 
real can be said* to be non-existent. Knowers have seen the 
truth contained in this statement. 

Thus in a nut-shell is given the Mayavada, so ably expanded 
by Samkaracarya. There is unreality in the phenomena, as 
people have been, are and will be in existence under it. All 
this is obvious and therefore unreal. But there is something 
real behind it, which the philosophers alone know or realist. 
Common people like Arjuna should do what appears to bet heir 
duty, irrespective of the fruits of labour. They must learn to 
labour and no more. 

M. V. Kibe 


RIMAKATSTTHA, Edited by T. R. CHINTAMANI, M.A., Ph.D., being 
Madras University Sanskrit Series No. 14, University of Madras, 
1941, Price Rs. 5-4-0. 

RAJANAKA R&MAKAITTHA'S commentary on the Bhagavad- 
oita was first brought to the notice of scholars by Dr. F. OTTO 
SCHRADER in his well-known brochure on The Kashmir 
Recension of the Bhngavadgita, Stuttgart, 1930. The commentary 
is based on the Kashmir version of the Poem, and is fairly 
extensive and important. Mr. S. N. TADPATEIKAR, M.A , of the 
B. O. R. Institute has also edited for The Anandashram Sanskrit 
Series the same commentary, which was published in 1939, 
The present edition, although undertaken earlier than TAD- 
PATEIKAK'S edition, appeared two years later r but it is a 
much more reliable and pains-taking work than the former. 
The edition contains, besides a valuable Introduction of over 
80 pages ( wherein excerpts from the most important but 
fragmentary commentary of BHASKARA on the BG are for the 
first time brought to the notice of scholars ). an Index of Ardhas 
or half-stanzas and an Index of Citations. There is a short 
Foreword contributed by Dr. C KUNHAN RAJA, the Head of the 
Department of Sanskrit in the University of Madras. 

The controversy as to whether the Kashmir Recension of the 
Bhagavadglta is an earlier pre-Sarhkara form of th$ Poem has 
already called forth extensive controversial literature into 
existence. T The discovery of BHASKARA 9 B commentary sheds a 
welcome light on the subject. ABHIWAVAGUPTA quotes 2 with 
respect BHASKARA'S commentary on the Bhagavadgita. Pre- 
sumably, on the dictum * Eniia non sunt multiphcanda praeier 
necessitatem, ' that commentary is identical with the one frag- 
ments of which have been now brought to light. Dr. CHINTAMAffI 
kas made it very probable by means of adequate extracts that 
the author of the fragments is the same as the Vedantin who 

1 See my Introduction to the edition of the BO. with the Ananda- 
vardhim t pp. 16 f., where a few references to earlier literature on the subject 
are given. 

2 Apud srviu. 2 ^T 


104 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

mercilessly criticises Samkara Mayavada in hie Bhasya on the 
Ved&ntasutras. Hence if SAMEABA is known to BHiSKAHA, he 
must be ipso facto known to ABHINAVAGUPTA ; and even if the 
BH1BKAEA known to ABHINAVA be a different man, still it 
cannot positively be said that ABHINAVAGUPTA was unacquaint- 
ed with SAMKARA'S Bhagavadgttabhasya,TQG&MQ& in places T ABHI- 
NAVA cites explanations which verbally agree with, or are akin 
to, those of SAMKARA j and when so early a commentator as the 
Vedantin BHASKARA cites SAMKARA' S Gitabhasya? the doubt 
raised as to the authenticity of the latter s will be seen to be 
gratuitous. Dr, CHINTAMAWI has given enough evidence to show 
that even Kashmirian commentators on the Bhagavadgita^ while 
mainly following the Kashmirian recension, knew and at times 
adopted the Vulgate or NILAKANTHA recension of the BG> I 
have elsewhere shown 4 that the Kashmirian readings are in the 
majority" of cases secondary, as being deliberate attempts to 
remove irregularities of grammar or syntax, or improve the 
sense* In Kashmir the popularity of this secondary recension is 
due to the prestige lent to it by a number of learned com- 
mentators who flourished in the 9th, 10th, and llth centuries, but 
it cannot claim to be regarded as the original form of the BG-, 

The extra stanzas which are found in the Kashmirian recen- 
sion cannot be said to have originally belonged to the JBG, and 
subsequently omitted from it. In a work like the Bkagavidgila 
the tendency rather would be to make additions than omissions. 
Nor is the Kashmirian recension alone in having extra stanzas. 
In some of the Mss. hailing from other parts of India extra 
stanzas, more than half a dozen, are found. 5 

The Gitamana stanza of six lines T^mrf^ ^fifem^ &c. which 
gives the extent of the BO- as 745 stanzas is comparatively 
recent, and is not much known outside the Kashmir recension, 

> Compare under iii. 14 Abhmava's reference 3?^ g, 3T<sf 
o. with Samkara's 

etc* Also cp. under n. 59, iv. 34, vi 25, vin 6, is. 23 ete, 
See Chintamam's Intro, pp xzviii ff. 
8 First mooted by B. FADDEGON in bis Doctorate thesis on 

ho$ya, Amsterdam 1906, and more or less endorsed by F. OTTO SCHRADER. 
Introduction to the ^nandavardhini, pp, 18 ff, 
Of. the work above cited, p. 22. 

Reviews Io - 

It cannot therefore be cited to prove the originality and 
authenticity of the Kashmir recension, which, it is argued, has 
preserved for us a few of these extra stanzas. If reliance is to be 
placed on the above stanzas, it would be in the first place 
necessary to find a Glta in which not only the total extent, but 
the details of the individual speakers' totals agree. The con- 
tention that the Persian translator of the BG knows a Glta of 
745 stanzas has no probative force, because the Persian version is 
merely giving a Persian translation of the G-itamana verse, the 
actual Gtta text presupposed by the version baing practically 
identical with the current text of 700 or 701 stanzas. 

The extra stanzas found in the Kashmir recension now before 
us total 17 slokas, 10 of them assigned to Krsna and 7^ to 
Aj-juna. That will not obviously help us in arriving at the 
detailed figures mentioned by the Gitamana stanzas for each 
speaker. The RAJAVAIDYA of Gondal has recently unearthed a 
Glta of 745 stanzas, but it has no higher value than the Suddha 
Dharma Mandate Glta. Gondal's latest seeks to reach the desired 
figure by importing the requisite number of stanzas from some 
late and sectarian Upanisads ( amongst them a stanza from the 
Mandukya-Upanisad-Karlka of G-audapadal). In a paper (in 
Marathi) published in the Purusartha of March 1942, pp. 313-320, 
I have examined the claim of this new recension of the Glta to be 
the Icmg-sought original &ita, and found ifc altogether untenable. 

I have already suggested a theory as to how the idea of a 
Bhagavadgita of 745 stanzas arose. * That theory in a slightly 
revised form I hope to publish shortly along with the Persian 
Translation of the Gltasara* I will not therefore try to answer 
here Dr. Chintamani's objections to it. 

The Index of Ardhas given at the end of the volume under 
review is no doubfc very useful ; but it labours under the grave 
defect of playing fast and loose with a strictly rigorous alpha- 
betical sequence. 

Wa congratulate Dr. Chintamani upon this meritorious pub- 
lication, which will be found indispensable for a critical study of 

the Bhagavadgitcl. 

S. K. Belvalkar 

1 "The Bhagavadgita * Riddle' Unriddle d " Annals BORI, Vol. xix, 
PP. 335-348. 

14 - [ Annals, B. O. R* I. ] 

Adhyayas 1-9, with English translation and Noises by 
B. Gururaja Rao, B.A., B.L., Retd. Subjudge, Bangalore, 
Price Two Rupees. 

This work of the great Dvaita teacher Ananda Tlrtha, popular- 
ly called Sri Madhvaearya, is, among others, studied, and used 
also for daily patha purposes, by many followers of the Dvaika 
School, The teacher has also composed similar Tatpaiya 
Nirnayas for the Bhagavadglta and the Bhagavata pumia, 
The work tinder review, as the author himself says, gives, in its 
first adhyaya a summary of Dvaita principles, based on the old 
sacred literature, and in the following adhyayas gives, the 
story of the Mbh. in a different setting, as can be seen by its 
comparison with the extant test of the Great Epic. The reason 
given by the learned author, is 

u Interpolations, omissions, transpositions in the original text, 
either through ignorance, or otherwise, " these form the basis, 
as can be readily seen, of the modern Science of Textual 
Criticism. Tils is not the place to see whether the methods 
at present followed by the modern research scholars, agree with 
those followed by the great Dvaita Teacher of the 12th century; 
still the fact that ttie principles had been clearly laid down, in 
these times, does great credit to Indian scholarship 

A most unfortunate may I say, vicious Itendency has 
developed even among Indians, to study Sanskrit text from 
English translations and Notes, without ever caring to know 
what the original Sanskrit text contains ; and the evil that 
arises out of this, is, that the carelessness or ignorance, of the 
translator, which is solely responsible for misinterpretation of 
the original text, is taken by the reader to be the opinion of the 
original author. English studies being mainly encouraged, 

Reviews 10*} 

Sanskrit studies have been neglected, and numerous misconcep- 
tions have, in those days, come out as a result. 

Sanskrit scholarship requires a thorough understanding of 
the original Sanskrit texts, but the layman or even one wiio cares 
to know, does not see the propriety of this principle, and is 
satisfied with the translation offered. This will show the great 
responsibility lying upon the translator, and the learned 
Mr. Gururaja Eao is to be congratulated for the care he has 
taken in rendering his English translation as close to the 
original, as possible. The Notes, too, culled out from an unpub- 
lished commentary by Sri Vadiraja, are helpful to the reader, and 
we recommend the work to the general student, who would like 
to study the great Dvaita teacher, by having recourse to English 

The volume under review contains only the portion pertaining 
to the Ramayana; it would be necessary to have the remaining 
portion of the original work, to give us a correct idea of bow 
Sri Madhva presents his real Bharata Tatparya Nirnaya. 

S. N. Tadpatrikar 

commentary of Jonaraja. Edited by Mm. ftai Bahadur 
Sahitya Vacaspafci Dr. Gaurishankar Hirachand Ojha, 
D,Litt. ( Hony ) and the Late Pandit Chandradhar Sharma 
Gulari, B. A., Ajmer, 1941, Price Us. 5. 

This is a critical edition of the birch-bark Ms. of the Prthvi- 
rtijavijaya, which was first discovered by Btihler in 1867. This 
should have been a standard work on the early Rajput history, 
particularly for the Prthvlraja-Shahbuddln Ghori wars, butfojf 
the fact that the manuscript was mutilated, and the portion 
dealing with the hero's abduction of Sam/akta and the ^conse- 
quent wars with Jayachandra, and fcha Maslina invai er is mis- 
sing from the present manuscript. 

However, in the absence of any other contemporary Indian 

io8 Annals of tit handarkar Oriental Research Institute 

records and other copies of this manuscript, Dr. Ojha has done 
well in editing the present Ms. from a single copy. For though 
the most important portion, as pointed out above, is missing, 
btill the extant portion-cantos I-XII, will surely help,' as Dr, 
Ojha hopes, * students of the history of India, particularly thai; 
of Rajputana \ 

This may be pointed out briefly. While the work is of un- 
doubted help for the history of the pre-Prthviraja history of the 
Cahamanas ( Oauhanas ), as pointed out by Buhler long ago, 
contradict as it doss the Easo of Ohanda Bardai, and supports 
the epigraphical evidence, it is also of importance for the poll- 
tical history of the countries adjacent to Rajputana, Gujarat, 
Malwa, Bengal and Karnatak, as well as for the references to 
temples of gods and goddesses at Puskara, Narapura, Somanafcha, 
Broach. In Canto V, verse 51, we have a welcome corroboration 
of the traditions according to which Solanki Gurjara (Caulukya) 
Mularaja, who had fled to the fort of Kanthkot in Cutch was 
besieged there by the Chauhan King Vigraharaja. 

H. D, Sankalia 

M,A Karnatak Historical Research Society, Dharwar, 
1940, pp, 1-XIX: p-213, Price Rs. 5/- Foreword by 
A. B. Latthe, Esq., M. A,, LL.B., M. L. A. 

Mr. Sharma was one of the earliest students of Father Heras 
and the work under review formed a part of the thesis 'Jainism 
in South India*, which he wrote under Father Heras ? guidance 
at the Indian Historical Research Institute, St. Xavier's College, 
Bombay. A portion of it relating to Karnataka is now published 
on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee Celebration of the Karnatak 
Historical Research Society. 

The work is divided into five parts * 1 Historical Survey, 2 
Contributions: Literature, Art and Architecture, 3. Idealism and 
Realism, 4, Karnataka Culture, 5, Appendices. 


In part 1 the author has succeeded in showing that from the 
historical times till the present Jainism received some sort of 
patronage from the principal dynasties which ruled over 
Karnataka, while at times, as under the Gangas, it became a 
state religion. It is gratifying to know that the present Mysore 
kings uphold the traditions of their predecessors. 

In part 1 the author narrates the work of Jain writers, who 
flourished in Karnataka* Unfortunately most of the extant works 
of these writers are in manuscript form. Unless these are edited 
and published, as are the Svetambara works of Gujarat, our 
knowledge of Karnataka Jainism, which was preponderantly 
Digambara, will remain superficial. Likewise a true idea of 
Jain Contribution to Karnataka arfc, architecture, sculpture, icono- 
graphy and cults can be had only when numerous Jain, un- 
recorded and recorded, inscriptions and monuments are syste- 
matically studied. At present it would seem, as has been already 
pointed out by Coomaraswamy> that Jaina art, architecture etc, 
formed a part of the prevailing regional and dynastic style, be it 
Chalukya or Hoysaia in Karnataka ; or Solanki in Gujarat, or 
Ghandalla at Khajuraha* 

It is no wonder that Jainism is now not as it was during the 
time of its first introduction in Karnataka, and has not lived up 
to its ideal. For apart from the fact that principles and practice 
always differ, the environment in which a religion has to 
flourish always counts, and great Teachers, Buddha himself, had 
from time to time incorporated modifications into the rules of 
life of his followers. 

In the north as well as in the south Jain archaeology has 
not received as much attention as it should from scholars. Both 
exploration and exhaustive study of the known monuments is 
necessary. This is no less true of its literature. Both these 
studies can profit if young students come forward, preferably Jain 
and from different respective religions so that they will be able 
to do justice to the subject by their training and understanding. 

H, D. Sankalia 

Muslim International Law ), by Majld Khaddupi, Ph.D., 
London, 1941. Price Sewn 6, cloth 8 j pp. 132 ; size 9"X6*! 

This interesting book of Dr. Khaddurl is to be hailed as a 
nice and handy work on Muslim International Law, 

Dr, Khaddurl, in this volume, attempts to " study the theory 
and practice of Muslim Law with regard to non-Muslim com- 
munities as revealed in the Quran, HadUh and the writings of 
the Muslim jurist-theologians, " and limits the field of his work 
only to the " first four centuries of the Islamic era. ' 7 

The book is divided into three Parts : Part I deals with the 
Fundamental Concepts of Muslim Law ; Part II with the Law of 
War and Part III with the Law of Peace. 

In Part I, Chapter I, the author discusses the problem whether 
or not Islam was meant to ha a religion for the whole universe 
and then finds justification for the need of International Law in 
Islam* In Chapter II, he discusses the Nature and Sources of 
Law, i. e. the Quran, the Sunnah, the Ijma and the Qiyas. Befer- 
ring to the collection of Hadlth the author remarks that the 
" deeds and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad were not recorded 
after his death as was the case with the Quran, " which state- 
ment is historically incorrect, for we know that the work of 
recording in black and white the traditions of the Prophet was 
already undertaken even during the life time of the Prophet. 

^ Iri the Introduction to part II, Chapter III, the author, after 
discussing the limited expansion of Islam, points out that there 
were two divisions of the world: 'Darn? I- Islam' and 'Daru'l-Harb\ 
the former corresponding to the Muslim Empire. In Chapter IV the 
author discusses the * Foundations of the Jihad ' and says: " the 
JifOd as such was not a casual phenomenon of violence ; it was 
rather a product of complex conditions existing while Islam work- 
ed out its doctrinal character". Giving due consideration to the 
Semitic Migration theory, the author remarks : " There were ... 
other factors which played a no less important rdle in fomenting 
Muslim attitude towards the conquest of the world. There 


were the religious and political factors, combined together- in 
such a way as to create in the minds of the Muslims the idea of 
a politico-religious mission to the whole world 7 '. Speaking 
about the peaceful character of the Prophet's early preaching the 
writer aptly remarks that war ' was not introduced into Arabia 
by Islam. It was already in existence among the Arabs*. " But 
the real importance of Islam, " says the author, " lies in shifting 
the focus of attention of the tribes from their inter-tribal warfare 
to the outside world ". In Chapter V he discusses the Nature 
and Principles of the Jihad and points out that the doctrine of the 
Jihad, as worked out by Muslim publicists, was a product of a 
later period of Islam, when the Empire had already been built up. 
He then traces the gradual evolution of the doctrine of the Jihad. 
In Chapter VI he shifts on to describing the various types of the 
Jihad- 1. Against Poly theists, 2. Against Secession, 3, Againsfc 
Dissension, 4. Against Deserters, Gangsters and Robbers, Ibn 
Rushd mentions a fifth type also, viz. the Ribat or Safeguarding 
of the Frontiers. A Sixth, namely, against the Scriptuararies has 
also been mentioned. In Chapter VII the author enters into a 
rather interesting topic, namely * The initiation of War '. The 
duty of * declaring ? the war always rested with the Prophet and 
his Successors, the Caliphs. Without such ' declaration * it could 
never commence. Before declaring war the Prophet and his 
Successors resorted to a custom of * inviting ' the polytheists 
either to accept Islam or to agree to pay the tribute. The author 
adduces historical evidence to show that this custom, which had 
the force of law, was strictly and invariably observed by the 
Prophet and his Successors. Historical evidence has also been 
produced by the author to show that negotiations had also been 
resorted to before declaring war. In Chapter VIII, the author 
comes to discuss a very important topic, namely, * Military 
Methods '. He first enumerates the necessary qualifications of a 
Jihadist, then he shifts on to the * Command ', * the Composition 
of the Army ' and finally to the 'Conduct of Fighting'. In 
Chapter IX he indulges into a legal problem, namely, the * Status 
of Persons and Property in War '. In Chapter X the author 
describes the ' Termination of Fighting ', by ( i ) complete Sur- 
render by the enemy, ( ii ) Treaty of Peace and ( iii ) by Arbi- 

Annals of the BbandarJsar Oriental Research Institute 

Part III commences with an Introduction followed by chap- 
tera on Aman, Treaties, Arbitration, Status of the Dhimmis and 
Diplomacy in Islam, and comes to an end with Conclusions, 
Of all these chapters, those dealing with Treaties and Conclu- 
sions are instructive and readable. 

So much for the contents of the book. It remains now to be 
pointed out that the subject which the author has dealt in the 
book under review has been already handled by European Ori- 
entalists and Indian Scholars and very little new has been added 
by the author. Of course, he deals with the subject in a -critical 
manner, although at times he is unwittingly carried away by 
Christian missionary points of view. Be that as it may, we appre- 
ciate the work of Dr. KhaddurJ and hope that he will produce in 
the near future other works of scholarship and learning that will 
open a new vista for Orientalists and students of Islamic Studies. 

Shaikh Chand Husain 

ARABICA & ISLAMICA, by Mr. U. Wayriffe, revised edition, 
published by 'Messrs. Luzac & Co M London, 1940. Pages 
416, 10^ x 634'. Fifteen shillings. 

These select pieces of translation, sketches and essays on 
subjects connected with Arabic language and literature and 
Islamic Studies, contain a good deal of readable matter, although 
the author, owing to modesty, does not claim erudition for it 
It *would, nevertheless, be unfair to call the work 'merely popular', 
for it contains much that is 1 likely to prove useful to man j a 
student of Arabic and Islamic Studies. 

There are at least thirteen main pieces of which the largest 
is the one that gives extracts from the SAHIH of Bukharl, one 
of the chief works on HADITH. Among other essays those on 
language ( Oh. I ), Early Literature ( Oh. II), Life of Muhammad 
( Oh. Ill ), Miracles ( Oh. XX ), Burying Alive of Female Infants 
>: Veiling of w en ( Oh. XXII ) and Historians ( Oh. 

XXIII ), contain very little that can be called original. A large 

Reviews r z ~ 

portion of the contents of Chapter III ( Life of Muhammad ) is 
controversial and displays lack of critical appreciation on the 
part of the author> who seems to base his conclusions on older 
European writers. The entire paragraph on p. 38, beginning with 
fcl It is doubtful whether Muhammad ever formed a plan of uni- 
versal conquest ... " is self-contradictory, for the author himself 
gives on that page and the following: full details of the Prophet's 
plans. On pp. 50-51, the author reproduces the! long-repudiated 
story of Mary the Coptic ( see Amir ' Ali, The Spirit of Islam, 
p, 235 note ). Mr. Justice Amir 'All's words may be reproduced 
here with advantage. : 

*' The story told by Muir, Sprenger. and Osborn, with some 
amount of gloating of the domestic squabble between Hafsa 
and Muhammad, concerning Mary, the Coptic "girl presented 
to the Prophet'e household by the Negus, is absolutely false 
and malicious ". 

Another instance in the narration of which many of the Euro- 
pean critics of Islam seem to take great pleasure, and which has 
been also summarised by our author, is the absurd story of 
THE LIE. I need hardly point out that the very title by which 
this fictitious story is known sufficiently indicative of its chara- 
cter and should ordinarily suffice for the seekers of THE TRUTH. 

* Antar and Beni Hilal ', and Ma * arrl's Risalatu'l-&hufran 
are good ; more reliable and representative selection ( in English 
translation ) from the latter has been published by Dr. B. A. 
Nicholson, in the JRA8, * Later Classical Poetry ' contains good 
selections from MutanabbI and al-Ma *arrl, and makes a delight* 
ful reading. The most important of all the pieces is the author'* 

translations of extracts from the SAHIH of Bukhari, 

* * 

With all these things in view I congratulate Mr. Wayriffe for 
his work and believe that as time passes his interest in Islamic 
and Arabic Studies will become greater and greater and that he 
will produce works of scholarship. 

Shaikh Ch&nd Husain 

15 [ Annals, B, O. R, I, 

Crown 8ra vi, 99 pp. Poona, 1943. Price Rs. 1-8, 

In this handy and useful compilation, which is meant both 
for a student and a scholar, Prof. Gore has given as many as 366 
entries of the text-editions, translations, critical literatim 
and papers on the Raraayana. In the Appendix, the author lias 
given many valuable extracts from the works of orientalists, 
who have studied the epic from various angles of vision. These 
are very useful to the students, for which they will be grateful 
to the author. We hope that this booklet will encourage OUT 
students to study critically the epic, which normally has been 
neglected in the University courses. 

R. D. Vadekar 

THE JAIN AS by Prof. H. R. Kapadia, M.A., Royal 8yo. 
xii, 972 pp. Price Rs. 5, Surat, 1941. 

In this book Prof. Kapadia has tried to give us the historj of 

the Svetambar Jain Canon as it is known to us. The author has 

no doubt collected much traditional material bearing on the his- 

torical presentation of the extant Jain canon. But his presents 

tion^ is very clumsy. The author has not made a very strict 

distinction between tradition and history. Later accounts given 

in commemtaries, which are partly mythical or fabulous cannot 

have much historical value and the author has not tried to enter 

into problem of the relative ages of the various books of the Jain 

canon Everyone agrees that the books which have been 

included m the canon do not belong to the same age; hence a 

chronological arrangement of the books is not only desirable, 

but , a .similar stratification in the body of the same book is algo 

worth wishing for. The author has accumulated ample material 

trom the traditional sources and the book can be used as such, 

Reviews 115 

although the manner in which the material has been presented is 
likely to be tiresome to the student-world. Especially the last 
chapter which the author calls '* comparison and evaluation " 
is fully illustrative of the author's style of the treatment of the 
subject. It is a store-house of all sorts of things, ranging from 
metaphysics and ethics to footwear, sticks and lullabies 1 We 
wish that, the author had treated the subject more seriously, 
systematically and not huddled up things of uneven importance 
all together The book gives two indexes, but we fail to see the 
purpose of their separation-and further the author's practice of 
arranging the titles of English works according to their pronuncia- 
tion in the order ot the Devanagari alphabet is very queer. Even 
in the same index we cannot understand why the author allowed 
the entry Dasavatkalika and Dasaveyatiya stand separately ( p. 
251 ). We cannot recommend the book whole-heartedly to 
our student-world. 

R. D, Vadekar 

Premi, Crown 8vo. 20 616. Hindi Grantha Ratna Karyalaya, 
Bombay, 1942. Price Rs. 3/- 

The title of the work does not mean what it would mean 
primafaciei. e. it is not a history of Jaina literature or history 
of Jainism, but a collection of papers dealing with the problems 
of Jain literature and socio-historical topics relating to Jainism. 
Panditji, himself a devout Jain and a close student of Jain litera- 
ture and religion, needs no introduction to the orientalists, 
although his work is unfortunately not available to the English- 
knowing public. Prof. Upadhye has written an introduction 
to the work in English, which brings out the importance of the 
research work of the Panditji and points out the rare and 
original material brought forward by the patient and diligent 
labour of the author. We very much wish that all these papers 
should be presented succinctly in English in some Journal, so 
that they would be utilised by the scholars working in the field. 

i 16 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

TTntil Hindi becomes a language understood by everyone \ 
India, this need would be felt. Panditji's papers are uniformly 
learned and replete with new material, especially his papers on 
the Literature of the Yapanlya Sangha, Places of Pilgrimage O f 
the Jains and his studies of the Apabhramsa works are extreme- 
ly valuable. We heartily recommend this work to every love* 
of Jain literature. 

B. D. Vadekar 

VEDANTA. Studies in Philosophy. No. 1. By H.Jf, 
Baghavendrachar, M.A., Crown 8vo. pp. 282. Published 
by the University of Mysore, Mysore, 1941, Price Us. 3. 

The author, himself a devout Dvaitin, has presented in this 
book the philosophy of Madhvacarya succinctly and systetnati 
cally. In fact such a work was long needed for the study of the 
great acarya, who has been unnecessarily neglected in the 
philosophical world. Before the author proceeds to expose the 
main tenets of the Dvaita Vedanta, he has given briefly the 
systems of the Advaita and Visistadvaita Vedarita and then in 
about 100 pages he summarises the system of Madhvacarya, 
One remarkable point of the author's presentation of the Dvaita 
Yedaula is that he tries to show that Dvaita in Madhva's philoso 
pby cannot be correctly translated by dualism, as this supposes 
the existence of two independent and absolute principles. Henca 
tke author proposes to call the system of Madhva as monism and 
trfefi further to distinguish it from the absolute monism of Samkara 
and qualified monism of R&manuja. Another point worthy to 
note is the author's account as to how the weakness of the 
Advaita and Visust&dvaita Vedanta are met with in Madhva'fi 
system. We thank the author for this excellent presentation of 
the Dvaita Vedanta to students of Indian philosophy. The 
Univtraity should be congratulated for the excellent printing and 
get-up of tha volume. 

R. D. Vadekar 

AND JAINISM, By Bimala Churn Law, Thesis approved 
by the University of Lucknow for the degree of Doctor of 
Literature. Demy 8vo. pp xiii, 315, Luzac & Co., London 

In this book Dr. Law has collected together the geographical, 
historical and religio-philosophical information from Brahmani- 
cal, Buddhist and Jain sources. The author has before him the 
classical model of Dr. Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, the plan and 
arrangement of which the author has followed to a large extent. 
Obviously fuller material and fresh sources, opened by the 
researches of the orientalists have made Dr. Law's book more 
complete and authoritative and we congratulate the author on 
having brought out this manual for the use of our University 
students who have to read a course in Ancient Indian History. 
The author has manifestly kept back much of his material^on 
the origin and development of the various branches of learning 
and sciences. For instance on page 259 Dr. Law refers to the 
Indian sciences of medicine and surgery. Here he could have 
utilised the entire chapter of the Mahavagga (vi) which is devot- 
ed to the use of drugs and their preparations, and which has 
preserved descriptions of a few surgical cases, treated by Jivaka 
Komarabhacca. This and other similar material have yet to be 
explored and evaluated by orientalists. We hope Dr. Law will 
do so in the second edition of the book. An excellent Index and 
a good map of Ancient India enhance the value of Dr. Law s 

B. D. Vadekar 


HISTORY By K, A. Nilakanta Sastri, M.A. University 
of Madras, 1941. Pages 56. ( Bulletin of the Department 
of Indian History and Archaeology No. 7 ). Ra, 1-12-0 

This reprint of lectures delivered by Prof* Nilakanta Sastri 
in 1938 is a very welcome addition to the scanty literature on 
the subject. Considering the progress of University education 
in our country Historical study has unconscionably lagged 
behind. While in other advanced countries there is ample 
literature to guide the tyro on the path of scientific historical 
research, there is a sad dearth of it in India, Rev. H. Heias* 
introductory book on Methodology of Indian History is not 
available at present. Mr. V* S. Bendre's Sadhana Cikitsa written 
in Marathi and dealing with Maratha History is not of use to 
non-Marathi readers. Sir S, A. Khan's The History and 
Historians of British India is inadequate even for the period it 
deals with. A book of the type of F. J. Weaver's The Material of 
English History is badly needed for Indian students. Indeed as 
Mr. Sastri has remarked " The bibliographical aid now available 
on this side of the subject is none too extensive, and there is 
need of a detailed survey of the material that would enable the 
beginner to get at his sources without an undue waste of his 
time and energy in preliminaries. " 

The brochure under review comprises five chapters, viz, 
1, General Principles ; 2. Literary Evidence ; 3. Archaeology ; 
4. Epigraphy ; and 5. Chronology ; with a very helpful Appendix 
on * Hints to Students' and a short Bibliography. As the title 
indicates, the material chosen relates to South Indian History, 
and the scope of the lectures has made the treatment " necessari- 
ly only selective and illustrative ". Yet, veteran scholar that 
Professor Sastri is, his presentation is masterly and meticulous- 
ly scientific. Despite his terseness and rigorous standards, 
however, Prof. Sastri affords his readers, though occasionally, 
some humour such as when he writes critically ? " In describing 
the prosperity of the court, our poets would think of nothing 
less than golden gates for palaces. Whenever I read of golden 
gates I think I can reasonably be sure only of this : that gold 
was known and that palaces had gates. " 
Altogether an edifying little book. 

S. R. Sharma 

by K. Madhav Krishna Sharma, M.O.L. Adyar Library, 
Adyar( Madras), 1942. Size 7^x1^ pp. XXXVI + 415, 
Price Rs. 15, 

The Adyar Library contains a valuable collection of Mss* 
bearing on all branches of Sanskrit learning and allied subjects. 
The manuscripts in this collection are being used by numerous 
scholars in India through the favour of the authorities of the 
Library. The Bhandarkar Research Institute itself has procured 
on loan for its members many Manuscripts from the Adyar 
Library during the last twenby-five years. The lists of Manus- 
cripts published by the Adyar Library, in the absence of a full 
description of each Ms., have been found to be deficient in 
satisfying the curiosity of the researchers about the contents of 
each Manuscript and consequently the Adyar Library prepared 
a scheme for a complete descriptive catalogue of their collection 
of Mss. more than five years ago. Dr. F. O. Schrader, the then 
Director of the Library brought out Volume I ( Upanisads ) 
under this scheme in 1908. Subsequently the Library could not 
make any progress in this direction till about 5 years ago, when 
the authorities decided to continue the scheme according to a 
revised plan outlined by Dr. C, Kunhan Raja, M.A., IXPhiK 
( Oxon ) in his Introduction to this Volume. 

The present Volume containing a description of the Vedic 
Mss. in the Library by Shri K, M". K. Sharma, M.O.L. is Vol. I 
under the revised scheme. We are happy to note that the Adyar 
Library has been fortunate in having at its disposal the active 
co-operation and advice of a scholar of Dr. Raja's eminence, as 
also in having the services of a brilliant research assistant, 
Shri K. M. K. Sharma ( now Curator of the Anup Sanskrit 
Library and Director of Oriental Publications, Bikaner ) for the 
preparation and publication of this Volume. 

We understand that the revised scheme of this Catalogue will 
comprise in all 12 volumes including the present Volume, 

120 Annals of the fihandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Subsequent Volumes may not appear exactly In the same order 
in which they are mentioned in Dr, Raja's scholarly Introduction 
to this Volume ( p. 10 ). In whatever order the Volumes are 
published, the completion of the scheme will be hailed with 
delight by all Sanskrit scholars in India and outside. We feel 
confident that the authorities of the Library will exert themselves 
fully in the matter of issuing this set of catalogues with 
reasonable expeditiousness as they have done in the past with 
regard to their other publications. 

The volume under review comprises a description of 1103 
Vedic Mss, together with Indices of works noticed, authors of 
works noticed, works cited, authors cited, scribes, owners and 
others and place-names. An attempt has been made to compress 
as much useful description of each Ms as is possible within the 
limits of space imposed on the compiler without omitting 
essential details of the Mss. The Catalogue is prepared not 
merely for the use of students of Sanskrit Literature but also for 
those interested in the allied problems of Indology. A Descriptive 
Catalogue is not a History of Literature. In some of the early 
Descriptive Catalogues prepared by responsible scholars 
the historical aspect of each manuscript was specially kept 
m view by the compilers. But at a time when many libraries 
in India are full of Mss which have remained undescribed for 
the last half a century and when scholars are crying for an 
objective description of these Mss for use in connection with 
their research work, it may not be necessary to follow the 
method of elaborate description adopted by the early compilers 
of these catalogues as such a procedure would protract the pre- 
paration and publication of the Descriptive Catalogues of the 
Msa in India to an indefinite period. Without, therefore, making 
a Descriptive Catalogue a ground for any display of scholarship 
for which fortunately there are innumerable research Journals 
DOW in India and outside, the compiler should try to confine 
himself to an accurate description of the Mss. before him and at 
the same time record references to other Descriptive Catalogues 
where copies of these works have been described by previous 
scholars. Such a procedure would obviate much repetition of 
scholarly display and at the same time give us the necessary 



description of eaeh new Ms ' not ki*k erto described. It is the 
business of a compiler to open the door to new sources of know- 
ledge without prejudicing the reader's mind by discussing any 
theories pertaining to the works described. In short the 
compiler should concentrate more on the objective side of the 
Ms. than on its subjective side 

The Adyar Library, as Dr. Raja observes, is not meant for a 
mere conclave of specialists devoid of the wider interests of 
humanity. It ie a place from which the real wisdom of ancient 
Iiidia is to emanate. Looking from this point of view also the 
Mss, in the Library provide the only bridge that connects the 
past with the present and it is the function of the compiler of a 
Descriptive Catalogue to point out the dependability or otherwise 
of the several planks of this formidable bridge for the guidance 
of those who care to use it with a cautious step. 

We congratutate Mr. Sharma on the successful compilation 
of this Volume as also Dr. C.*K. Raja under whose scholarly 
guidance the Volume has been prepared by Mr, Sharma. All 
Sanskrit scholars would be grateful to the authorities of the 
Adyar Library for the renewal of their Descriptive Catalogue 
scheme especially at a time when the difficulties in the way of 
publishing such volumes are almost insurmountable 

P. K. Gode 


A College Texl-book of 
Indian History Volume III, 

A. D. 1700 to 1941, 
R. Sathianthaier, M. A., L. T., 
Rochouse & Sons, Ltd., 


A Hand-book of Vlrasaivism, 
S,C. Nandimath, M.A., Ph.D., 
Literary Committee, L. E. 
Association, Dharwar 
16 [ Annals, B. O, B- I, ] 

Sculpture inspired by Kalidasa, 
O. Sivaramamurti, M, A., 
The Samskrta Academy 

UpadeshasahasrI, Swami 
Jagadananda, Sri Rama 
krishna Math, Mylapore, 


M. n. Sakhare, M. A., T. D. t 
Thalakwsdi, Belgium 

122 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Some concepts of the Alarhkara 
Sasfcra, V, Raghavan, 

M. A., Ph. D., 
The Adyar Library, Adyar 

Veda ntapar ibhasa, 

S, S. Suryanarayana Sastri, 
The Adyar Library, Adyar 

The Bhagavad-Glta and 
Modern Scholarship, 
S, 0. Roy, M. A. ( London ), 

L E. S., 
Luzac & Co, London 

The Early Muslim Expansion 

in South India, 
N. Venkataramanayya, 

M. A., Ph. D., 
University of Madras 

Vasauta Vilasa, K. B. Yyas, 

M. A, 
N. M. Tripathi & Co, 


Sri Ramanujacanipu, Prof. 
P. P. S. Sastriyar, Madras 

Prassasti-Samgraha, Pandit 
K. B. Sastri, Jain- 
Sid dhant a-Bha van, 


Alambanaparlksa, N, A. Sastri, 
The Adyar Library, Adyar 

Handlist of Arabic, Persian 
and Hindustani Mas. of 
New College, Edinburgh, 
R* B. Serjeant, Ph. D., 

( Cantab ) 

arrow tagft 

Prakriyasarvaeva, 0. Kunhan 
Raja, Uaiversity of Madras 

The Doctrine of Karman in 
Jain Philosophy, G. Barry 


Bai Vijibai Jivanlal Panalal 
Charity Fund, Bombay 

The Nayaks of Tanjore, V. 
Vriddhagirisan, M. A., 

M. Litt, L, T,, 

University of Annamalai, 

Sangltasaramrta, Pandit S, 
1 Subrahmanya Sastri 
Music Academy, Madras 


Umesha Mishra, 
Senate House Allahabad 
An Introduction to Classical 
Sanskrit, G. B. Shastri, 
Modern Book Agency, 


Pravesa, Pandit B. Kokaje, 


General Editor of the Critical Edition of the 

Born . .p. . 

Ith May 1887 21st January 1943 

( Through the courtesy of Pro} D. D Kosombi ) 




The 21st of January 1943 drew a curtail!, on the terrestrial 
plane, over the life of Dr. V. S. Sukthankar and brought to an 
end seventeen years of silent, successful and inspiring work over 
the Critical Edition of India's Great Epic which he had made 
his own by his brilliant critical acumen, by his wonderful mod- 
esty and the complete identification of his life with the great 
work of which he became the chief instrument and the guiding 
spirit To those who were acquainted with him personally during 
this period - a period marked by preparation, organization and 
silent but arduous work which brought the whole scheme within 
measure of early completion - his loss is perhaps irreplaceable, 
and all the more so, since up till the last minute of his conscious 
life Dr. Sukthankar was hale and hearty. The cause of his 
sudden passing away is understood to be Thrombosis which 
brought on right-sided paralysis at about 1 p. m, on Thursday 
the 2ist January 1943 and ended his earthly career that same 
evening in the presence of friends who least expected it. It is, 
however, a matter of some satisfaction to his friends that in 
death his expression was benign and peaceful,* and that he died 
like a hero in harness, at the very height of his career. It would 
he presumptuous on any one's part to assess the incalculable 
loss to Indology that this event has caused, for during the past 
two decades Sukthankar's name stood as a synonym for all ^that 
was noble, modest, accurate and profound in scholarship, a 
model difficult to be emulated for'all future scholars in the world, 
and withal inheriting a strength of character, an inexhaustible 
fund of optimism which breathed an inspiring message of hope 
to all who came to him with bbeir difficulties, and despite the 
detached expression which prevented seriously anyone from 
taking advantage of a close contact with him, possessing an 
appreciative heart which could clearly discern what was valuabla 
and discard what was trash or worthless. It was this seriousness 

Annals of the Bhandarkat Oriental Research Institute 

of expression and Jnward detachment which prevented all, 
except Ms few privileged friends, from cultivating personal 
relationship with him. Nevertheless, all those who came into 
touch with him, whether in their day to day work at the Institute 
in the Mahabharata Department, or in their studies, either as his 
students or collaborators, consulted him on their difficulties, one 
and all came under the influence of his magnetic personality, 
and in spite of the awe which he inspired in them all, came to 
regard him with affection and love. It is particularly from this 
angle that his death will ba mourned as a personal loss by all his 
Mends, pupils arid collaborators. 

To me personally Sukthankar's death, so sudden and unexpect- 
ed, has been the source of inconsolable regret and a loss the 
magnitude of which I am not yet in a position to evaluate. My 
acquaintance with him began in 1933 when I personally met 
bim at the Institute, although I knew him by reputation while 
I was in England during 19*28-31 when the first fascicules of ike 
Adiparvan were published. I remember very well the thrill of 
jy which I felt when looking through the first two fascicules 
fm London at the School of Oriental Studies and studying the 
methods which Sukthankar had applied to the Critical Edition of 
the world's Greatest Epic. My interest in this work was further 
increased when during my stay in Bonn in 1930, I discussed 
problems of textual criticism as applied to the Ramayana which 
Dr. Walter Ruben had undertaken as his personal work. Ruben's 
general criticism of the methods used by Sukthankar in the 
tight of the difficulties involved and Sukthankar's brilliant reply 
wbich^ crushed all opposition and brought renown to the exact 
scientific methods which he had patiently evolved in the cause 
of the Great Epic, absorbed me completely. It is really significant 
that my first persona] contact with Sukthankar became a realised 
fact within a few months of the publication of his great Prole- 
gwtna to the Adiparvan, which is a masterpiece of scientific work 
achieved within the Indian field and a landmark which will hold 
good as long as India's Great Epic sways the mind of her people, 
What was merely apparent from the several papers contributed 
by him towards Epic Studies became, in the Prolegomena, a 
sotted fact backed by precise methods and complete mastery 
i epic materials. One could no longer speak of a Poona Sect* 

Obituary Notices 125 

, as ft great French savant had once remarked, and those 
critics who, either through established reputation or through the 
weigbfc of their authority, thought they could materially differ 
from the learned editor of the first critical volume of the Great 
Epic, found to their surprise and joy a perfect master of western 
scientific methods with the innate intuitive eastern understand- 
ing of the problems involved. Yet, when I met him with feelings 
of deep admiration and great awe, and showed him the little 
things I had done or was working out, I could at once find in 
him a feeling of oneness with all research work which made one 
bold enough to discuss with him personal difficulties and 
problems. More than in any other scholar that I have met, I 
could find in him a strong, silent understanding, and he oouW 
convey in a word or a phrase far greater thoughts and ideas than 
any one else. It was these unspeakable reserves of power which 
people have often interpreted as aloofness or lack of sociability; 
but I soon discovered that he was really sociable and had a great 
fund of humour and a keen sense of understanding masked under 
the serious brow and the inward contemplation, 

For two years between 1934 and 1936, during my absence 
from Poona, I was often in touch with Sukthankar through cor- 
respondence. The acquaintance which grew between us during 
these two years, ripened into deep friendship when I returned 
to Poona in 1936, and during the past seven years I had the 
benefit of meeting him almost daily and discussing the several 
problems of research in which we were both interested. I can 
only write my impressions of the great savant from my actual 
observations and therefore I am desisting from including here 
an account of his earlier life which I can best gather second- 
hand. It was while discussing some problems of linguistics in 
the Indo-European field during the period when I was working 
on the Descriptive Catalogue of Vedanta section of the Govern- 
ment Collection of Mss. deposited in the Institute, that &e first 
germ of the idea of starting a review journal in the Indie field 
struck me. During the first part of 1937 when I spoke about this 
to Sukthankar he whole-heartedly sponsored the scheme aad the 
Oriental Literary Digest came into being, with the collaboration 
of several scholars all over the country. From the Oriental 
Literary Digest to the New Indian Antiquary was one more stop, 
but here I met, for the first time, with a well~mformd 

Annals of the Bhandarkar OruMdl Research Institute 

tion from him which I found difficuft to circumvent H 
not alone, however, in this, for several of my collah 
the OLD also held similar TJe ws. But that he was not 
to narrow views is proved by his most sincere collaboration a rf 
active help which were always at ray disposal even when T Jv 
fered from him. When the New Indian Antiquary was fm , J , 
m 1938 against his first advice he could very welT have > 
aloof; but the innate nobility which characterised him and tt 
strong optimism which always inspired his activities Isff hi 
choice other than of helping a youn g concern wtich d I "T 

SJfefTvrr- t Ddthe fSCfc that he collab '*ted with! 
Editors of ^ m brmgmg out two Festschrifts in honour o 
Prof. F. W. Thomas and Prof. P. V Kane and ., tl 
through all stages until the final comp^on T/a TatS 

of" oti^ \ ^ Wh ValU6d MS CO Pation beyond tha 
of other scholars. These were merely the outward 

just to 

the iives f 
r G e 1 the Editors of 

repute when nTs w 1 6> alread 5 r a sch l ar of 

Editorship of rhe Srm^ ^K nkar * 00k Charffe ftbe Geaeral 
towards gre^rlS \v n f tbe Great Epic ' was ins P ired 

thrOUgh hi * da "^ contact with him, 
v ^ i0fat """"a***, academic 

more tan 2 00 ^ 1943 tO PSSS a resolution of 
ore taan 200 pa p ers were completed by him during 

Obituary Notices , 127 

his 17 years' close contact with him. Similarly during my nine 
rears' contact with him I never undertook any research activity 
without consulting him on the details of such work. Early in 
1934, soon after he had delivered his Wilson Philological Lectures 
in the University of Bombay, I had requested him to bring out a 
practical book on Indian Textual Criticism for the benefit of 
scholars like myself who could not very well study the 
details contained in his Prolegomena. With characteristic 
vigour and deep insight he replied : * You work with me for 
six months on the Critical Edition of the Mbh. and you will 
know what Textual Criticism is. ' Little did I dream at that 
time that his cryptic remark hid underneath a fine perception of 
possibilities which he could direct with perfect mastery when 
the time came to exercise his force. It was only later, when our 
contact had deepened into personal friendship and regard, long 
after several volumes of OLD and NIA had been published, that 
I could eense his abiding influence. It was much against rny 
own inclinations, and I may add, better sense, that I approached 
the problem of Indian textual criticism from a purely linguistic 
point of view, without realizing that my activities were moti- 
vated by a master- mind who remained behind, hovering imper- 
ceptibly in the background, exerting his? influence as and when 
necessary and giving the required push to carry on those activi- 
ties. It was in this manner that he apparently consulted me 
on some lectio difflcilior in the critical edition and made me 
write a few papers on its linguistic peculiarities. What was from 
my own point of view a little excursus in the peculiarities of the 
critical edition was from his angle, an introduction to textual 
criticism itself, Yet, knowing nay own antipathy to take up the 
critical work to the exclusion of linguistics which was naturally 
my chief field, he moved cautiously, never hinting to me either 
in words or by gestures, that it was his intention that I should 
myself qualify for the task which I had constantly placed before 
him. Gradually, step by step, from consultation to active colla- 
boration on several questions, since 1937, I was led on to such 
a stage in 1940 that I was easily persuaded to undertake a short 
introduction to Indian Textual Criticism for use by our scholars 
here. But behind that persuasion was the unquestionable autho- 
rity of the master-mind, ready to guide me with firm hand and 

128 Annah of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

direct my faltering steps. My first attempts naturally did not 
safcisf j him, for I was aiming to address the specialist while ht 
was irrevocably bent upon my addressing the general scholar, 
and for a time I was hesitating on my next step. But finally hk 
great love for the subject, his objective judgment and constant 
inspiration cleared every obstacle from my path and resulted in 
my small book on this subject in 1941. There were several other 
projects which he had in his mind and to which he had direc- 
ted my attention, some partly completed and some newly under* 
taken. But before we could actually discuss the details- the 
discussion was to take place on the afternoon of January 21 
this year according to the last note which he wrote to me on the 
preceding day - the cruel hand of death put a stop to all great 
work on the critical edition which he had made his own. Other 
scholars will perhaps testify to such influence on their lives 
either directly or indirectly through his writings, but I cannot 
fail to refer to these incidents which bring to,, light the hiddei 
characteristics and on which I can personally speak with some 

What was the foundation of this unique scholarship which 
utilized the modern scientific methods with the precision which 
inspired confidence and which was the sine que non of real 
objective achievement ? There have been a number of greai 
scholars in India and abroad during the past hundred years ai 
more, but in none of themj was this scientific background so 
Htamfet as in Sukthankar. His moderation, the measure of his 
sentences which actually weighed the words he selected, and his 
^ptibiished papers which are often the last words on the wibjecft 
ejected, generally indicated that mathematical exactitude which 
wds so characteristic of him. His reticence was natural, not a 
studied pose, and more often than not, eloquent to the last degree. 
Perhaps it is not so well knor/n among his friends and admirers 
that Sukthankar's first love was Mathematics, like that of 
Bhandarkar and Tilak or of Grassman and Whitney before him. 
His Cambridge days were really devoted to a study of Mathe- 
patics, and although during that period Modern Analysis had 
*ot yet made headway in Cambridge, the training in rigorous 
methods of proof and the measured use of words which he recei- 
ved tilery characterised his I^ter work to a degree never sur- 

Obituary Notices 

passed in purely Oriental Research. I have personally never 
been able to find out from Sukthankar the circumstances which 
led him on to specialization in Sanskritic studies and divorced 
him from his first love for Mathematics ; but I have seen him 
reading, as late as in 1942, G. H. Hardy's Lectures on Bamanujam 
and appreciating many subtleties. What may have been a loss 
to Mathematics was certainly a happy and singular gain to 
Oriental Studies in India, and Sukthankar's entry in Indology 
was perhaps the first sign of a new orientation in purely cul- 
tural studies where strict scientific methods evolved by the 
* mother of all sciences ' could be applied rigorously and logi- 
cally with a precision which was hitherto unknown in that field. 
Even to the last he kept himself in touch, as far as that was 
possible, consistent with his arduous work onthe Critical Edition* 
with modern trends in Mathematics and allied sciences. 

I cannot speak of Sukthankar's early days from first-hand 
information. As a literary biography has been promised to us 
by the V. S. Sukthankar Memorial Edition Committee I shall 
briefly indicate here the general development of his career. He 
was born on the 4th of May 1887 and received his early education 
at the Maratha High School and St. Xavier's College, Bombay. 
Even during thjte early career he is said to have shown great 
promise. After completing his Intermediate Examination lie 
left for England with a view to compete for the Indian Civil 
Service which was then attracting the best minds of England and 
India ; but a far greater destiny awaited him to serve a worthier 
cause. He entered St. John's College, Cambridge and passed his 
Mathematical Tripos. Later he migrated to Edinburgh and 
Berlin Universities, and at Berlin studied under Prof. H. Luders 
in the department of Indology. One of his fellow students at this 
time was the late Rev. Father Zimmermann whose long service 
to Sanskrit afc the St. Xavier's College is still being remembered 
reverently by his students. Sukthankar's doctoral dissertation 
was connected with the Critical Edition of Sakatayana's Grammar 
and in spite of its being his first serious work about which he 
himself was not quite happy, it was a model of what was yet to 
come from his pen. In fact he had so far forgotten the existence 
of this little work that it was really a matter of genuine surprise 

17 [ Annals, B, O. R, I. J 

130 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

to him when he discovered several important references to 

usages in this volume in Louis Renou's Grammatre San-scr 

difficult for one who was not a contemporary of these grea 

scholars to picture the relationship which must have existed bet 

ween pupil and master. One can only refer to the correspondence 

which passed between them at the time of the completion of the 

critical edition of the Adiparvan, for when Sukthankar closed 

the Prolegomena with a few words of deserved praise for tie 

Master who had initiated him into the science of textual criticism 

and in the Indian spirit of true reverence attributed all that was 

good and abiding in this edition to the greatness of his Guru the 

Teacher himself wrote back in his inimitable style that he'had 

pupils year in and year out but none had done such brilliant 

work, and that therefore all the merit was Sukthankar's personal 

ly and his Guru had no share in it except in the glory and joy 

which was the natural reward for the pupil himself. Sukthankar's 

style represented the Man himself, and justified the dictum that 

the style is the man. Perhaps in this, as in his manner of 

approaching: problems, he was closely allied to Ltiders 

On his return to India Sukthankar joined the Archaeological 
department of the Government of India in tie capacity of Li- 

y o - 

ntcttTr? nd61lt ? ^ WeSt6rn CirCle ' Durin * * PW 
he contributed a number of important papers to the JAOS, El, 

and other sfemdard journals, he deciphered a number of epig apb 
and devo t ed mself to a gtudy Qf fche Bbsfla roMem * 

._, . . jr uj. me .Duasa proDiems. His 

ol ttintz s monograph on the language of Bhasa's Prakrit 
objective as i* i s penetrating, and he studied the entire 
angles with perfect mastery. His specia- 
ofnaUon,, i. . and lin suistics included a perfect mastery 

^A^^nd^ V 0^ AKOllABOl08y Sndlater ' whenhe 

cution, this knowledge was utilized for 
postgraduate students in Ancient Indian Culture. But 

3S fltlil rornQ$^ ft ,3 ft _ J.T_ - . - - 

ea as tne cnief field for him for investi- 
^ organisation of the critical edition and 

attracted Vi* *t ^^^^acteristic of him that he was 

"^J^ UO SUCr\ ri T ft n r* T^ j^ r ^..c TJ r^ * 

exhibit DnRRtMK** ^ . urancnes of Indie studies as could 
possibilities of scientific methods being applied to them. 

Obituary Notices l ^ T 

When in 1925 he was invited to undertake the responsibilties 
of the General Editorship of the Critical Edition by the autho- 
rities of the Bhandarkar Institute, the conditions were not very 
favourable. The tentative edition of the Viratapar van had not 
progressed to that pitch of scientific achievement which could 
instil a sense of perfect confidence in the methods evolved or in 
the text so constituted. Though much spade work had been 
done during the four years since the inception of the editorial 
activities by Sir Ramkrishna in April 1919 when the tentative 
edition was published, and although Sukthankar himself refers 
to it with characteristic generosity in the prospectus issued by 
him in 1937 it was still far from the ideal which was yet to be 
achieved. Sukthankar had therefore to begin anew, organize the 
entire department, study the collations afresh and prepare 
slowly and surely the background which was to give the 
critical edition the almost coveted designation of * definitive 
edition 7 . Few can understand the difficulties he had to face or the 
wonderful insight which enabled him to pick the methods and fix 
the principles, once for all, of editing a text the nature of which 
could become apparent only after a deep study. It is therefore 
a matter of wonder still that the first fascicule of the Adi conld 
be issued in 1927, just two years after he took charge of his oner- 
ous responsibilities. Let it not be thought that the principles 
which he finally enunciated in his immortal Prolegomena in 
1933 were worked out during the eight years of his editorship 
which were necessary for the completion of the Adiparvan ; 
without the basic principles he could not have published the first 
fascicule itself. If this fact is taken into consideration, and if 
further we realize that the Parvan Editors who had the advantage 
of his unique experience required at least a year to get acquaint- 
ed with their material and a couple more to constitute smaller 
texts, we shall perhaps be in a position to estimate, approximate* 
ly, the loss that we have sustained by his untimely death. Even 
today, ten years after the Prolegomena has been before the 
public, there are scholars who are presumptuous enough to give 
an ex cathedra opinion about the Great Epic, without understand- 
ing, the objective study which goes to make for its brilliance and 
abiding influence. 

132 Annals of the Bbandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

In addition to his work a* the critical edition, Sukfchanka 
was Editor-in-Chief of the JBBRAS for more than 17 years a 
Member of the Reorganisation Committee appointed by the 
Government of Bombay in 1938 in connection with the Decoan 
College and of its First Council of Management, a Founder 
Member of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan of Bombay, a Fellow of 
the University of Bombay during 1928-9 and a Member of tie 
Boards of Studies in Sanskrit, Pali and Ardha-Magadhl and 
History and Archaeology. He was actively connected with the 
publication of the Bulletin of the Deccan College Research Insti- 
tute as the sole referee during its first year, and his help was 
always available to research Institutes which sought it. In this 
he followed the time-honoured principle of Christ : ' Ask and 
it shall be given'. He could not be coerced to do a thing 
against his will, but he was always ready to help in any 
manner consistent with his own life-work on the Mbh. Since 
1933 he directed his attention to as speedy a completion of the 
critical edition as the materials at his disposal could allow. 
With the assistance of two Parvan Editors he brought out the 
Virata and Udyoga Parvans while he himself completed the 
Aranyakaj with the assistance of Prof. Edgerton he had the 
Sabha edited, and before his unexpected demise he had himself 
esn all but the last chapters of this Parvan through the press. 
Thus, in his Introduction to the Aranyaka, he refers to the 
completion of the critical edition of the first six parvans of the 
Mbb. comprising nearly 38,000 slokas out of an aggregate of 
about 83, 150 or nearly 45 per cent of the Great Epic, during 
17 years of his General Editorship. In the Prospectus which he 
issued m 1937 he remarks: 'The Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute which has devoted nineteen years of unceasing toil to 
the task and has spent nearly 2,00,000 Rs. on the same, is of 
course determined to husband all its resources and complete the 

^rt&%*-wiMn the next ten years, if ^tbe possible to obtain the 
antwsfor ; wit Un ihe ^ fiftlj Wff tf ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ 

and response far its appeals must needs prolong the struggle to 

the Plantation f the Orltt- 

., on 5th 

, Sukthankar's speech breathed a spirit of confidence 

Obituary Notices 

and a welcome optimism which was refreshing and Inspiring to 
his audience. All listened to him with rapt attantioa and devou- 
tly wished that the great undertaking should be fittingly conclu- 
ded at his hands within a short period, and few had an inkling 
to what was going to happen just seventeen days later. Sukthan- 
kar had already done over 160 chapters of the Dronaparvan, and 
it was expected that with increasing collaboration of properly 
qualified scholars the editing could be expedited and the neces- 
sary funds found for completing the monumental work, the great- 
eat land-mark in the history of Indology during the present 

One is poignantly reminded of the words with which Sukthan- 
kar concluded his Introduction to the Aranyafcparvan, He 
remarks therein * If Maharsi Krsna Dvaipayana Vyasa tells us 
that he has cried himself hoarse, urging people to follow the 
Path of Duty * 

his shouting with uplifted arms has not been entirely vain. He 
has not failed in his mission. Across the reverberating corridors 
of Time, we his descendants can Istill hear dimly his clarion 
call to Duty. It is in response to that call and in a spirit of 
reverent homage to that sage of unfathomable wisdom-that 
embodied Voice of the Collective Unconscious of the Indian 
people-we offer this work, pledged to broadcast to mankind, in 
this hour of its need and its peril, the luminous message of the 
Maharsi : 

Sukthankar's appeal in 1937 still remains unanswered ; the 
sinews that he referred to therein are not only finances but also 
collaborators trained in critical editing of texts. It is a sad 
commentary on Indian scholarship that only three scholars were 
found qualified to be entrusted with this wcrk, and it is still a 
greater tragedy that while Sufcthankar lived there were not 

134 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

many scholars who would take advantage of his mastery and 
learn from him the science of editing the Great Epic. 'Come and 
work with me for six months' has remained unanswered, and 
despite the facilities which he was glad to place at the disposal 
of really interested scholars, Vyasa's cry became Sukthankar's. 
The reverberating corridors of time are functioning too late when 
the master has already flown away to his eternal abode. But it is 
hoped that the material he has left behind, the methods and 
principles which he has evolved in the cause of this magisterial 
work* and the detailed directions contained in his many-sided 
contributions to this science, will remain as the Bible for all 
future editors of the Epic. 

I cannot conclude this liitle tribute to the memory of one 
with vehorn it was not only my privilege to be closely associated 
for the last seven years of niy stay in Poona but also a constant 
source of inspiration towards greater achievement, without 
referring to two aspects of Sukthankar's life to which the world 
ijx general has no inkling. At heart he was greatly drawn 
towards the life spiritual and he craved for that direct experience 
which alone could set at rest the perennial hankering of the 
soul for final beatitude. It was in 1939-40 that I came into 
closest contact with him and discovered this aspect of his 
many-sided life. I was also instrumental, in 1940, of arranging 
for his visits to Shri Ramanashram, Tiruvannamalai and Shri 
Aurobindo Ashram at Pondioherry, on the closing of the Tenth 
All-India Oriental Conference at Tirupati. Sukthankar had 
developed at this time a new interest in spiritual life and 
studied and practised a great deal of the tenets of such a life. 
The gradual change which this new hankering after ultimate 
reality brought in him can be visualized by the set of lectures 
which lie was delivering before the University of Bombay 
during January this year. While his interest remained the 
same so far as the critical editing went, he was gradually being 
drawn towards the inner content of that great message of 
Maharsi VySsa which reflected, as he said, the Collective tTn- 
conscioua of the Indian people and which was embodied in that 
corpus which ias come down to us as the Great Epic of India. 
So from the corpus of the Mbh> he was passing on to the aniina, 


the content of the Mbh. which he placed before the world as the 
three-dimensional view of the Great Epic. Here again I had 
the privilege of being his first audience. As the lectures were 
getting ready over his typewriter I had the rare honour of being 
Bhown them first, and I was partly responsible for getting copies 
made of those lectures for him. 

During this period he had firmly come to agree with me that 
we were but mere instruments in the hands of One Who was 
guiding the destinies of all manifestation, and that the best 
service we could render to ourselves, and therefore the whole 
Universe, was to surrender ourselves completely, consciously 
devoting ourselves to that set purpose. Many were the times 
when we referred to the puny strength of Man who considered 
kimself the master of the Universe around him ; a little break in 
an artery in the brain and where was he? Was it really 
prophetic uttering that was borne out by the incident on the 
21st January this year ? Who knows ? Sukthankar was a great 
personality during life, loveable, inspiring confidence and 
reverence, and at the same time preventing too close a contact; 
in his death he transcended all limitations "and achieved an 
immortality which had already been his birth-right. 

Those that are left behind have a heavy responsibility to 
bear. We cannot find another Sukthankar to carry on his work 
with the same unflagging zeal and the same mastery of methods 
and principles. But we hope to remain true |o his memory and 
the tradition that he has built around this Institute, and in this 
task we appeal to all scholars to merge their individual feelings 
in a common endeavour to achieve an almost impossible task 
facing us at this hour of trial. Money and men are needed but 
above all a spirit of self-surrender to the cause of Truth which 
is or ought to be the be-all and end-all of our existence, I feel 
confident that the Critical Edition will continue in the same 
tradition if those who are remaining behind prove true to the 
traditions already established by Sukthankar, 


Yale University 
New Haven. Connectictit 

Oriental Studies March 1, 1943 

To the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, India; 

I have jusfc received the news of the death of Dr. V. S. 
Sukthankar. It is not only a very grave personal loss to me ; 
I counted him one of my best friends, and had come to feel a 
very deep respect and even affection for him as a man. 

But the loss to scholarship is immeasurable, and, naturally, 
far more important. I am appalled at the thought that it will 
now be necessary to entrust the Mahabharata edition to othera 
Few persons now living are as well gifted by nature as he was 
with the peculiar combination of intellectual qualities needed 
for this work. And literally not one has had the experience 
which he had, and which is second in importance only to that 
native ability. He had arrived at a point where so many things 
had become almost automatic to him, like second nature ; things 
which even those of us who have helped in the edition cannot 
control as he did, though we may have painfully struggled 
towards an approximation of a lew of them, Now, just when he 
could have exploited to the full this unique combination of 

knowledge and experience - ^4 ^rf%^rr?T'3: - he is cut off in the 

midst of it, 

I beg the Bhandarkar Institute, as representative of all of 
Dr. Sukthankar's Indian friends and admirers ( whom I wish I 
could address personally ), to accept this imperfect tribute as 
evidence of the depth and sincerity of my feeling of loss to 
myself and to the world. I am sure that this feeling will be 
shared by all Western Sanskritists. 

Very sincerely yours, 
Franklin Edgerton 


Thy Country ill could spare thee at this hour, 
When thy stupendous task was but half-done. 
Of scholarship thou wast the full-blown flower 
That had for India world-wide praises won i 
* Twas thou her name upon the world-map placed, 
And made her Epic great to scholars known, 
A Wonder Book ; its hundred versions traced 
Thou mastered with a learning all thine own ! 
Oh 1 who will take the pen that Death has snatched 
From thy unerring hand, thy work complete, 
With zeal unflagging, like thy own, unmatched, 
With learning deep and sound like thee replete* 
Thy monumental work will shining stand, 
Reflecting glory on the Motherland ! 

S R, D. 

: ft srat H3 s^r^ tjl^ifo n 

18 [ AnnaU, B, O. B, I. ] 

138 Annals of the Bbandarltar Oriental Research Institute 

i 33 33 SElf 


: II 


f| ^r %^fs52?Rion ^frr^^r n 

^3 %[g^ % WIRT: | 
ft ^ifl^^^lT^^f: || ^ 


f| % qtr 5f ft 

K. V. Krishnamoorthy 


The sad and untimely death of Prof. Dr. Har Dutt Sharma at 
Delhi on the llth of September 1942 has removed from the field 
of ladology one of its ardent and enthusiastic researchers. Dr. 
Sharma was hardly forty-three at the time of his premature 
death. In his career as a research-worker extending over twenty 
years, he edited about fifteen books and wrote nearly twenty-five 
valuable papers embracing many branches of Sanskrit scholar- 
slip. But his most prominent achievement was the founding of 
the now well-established Journal the Poona Orientalist, with the 
co-operation of the late Dr. N. G, Sardesai of the Oriental Book 
Agency, Poona. He also prepared the Descriptive Catalogue of 
the VMyaka, Tantra, and Dharmasastra Manuscripts in the 
Government MSB. Library at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute. He was planning to write a comprehensive book on 
the Sanskrit Anthologies ; but unfortunately it was not to be ! 

As a student Dr. Sharma had a brilliant career* He was a 
Gold Medalist graduate Of the Allahabad University ( 1920 ) ; he 
took the M, A. degree, with rare distinction, of the Benares 
Hindu University in 1922, Under the able guidance of that 
renowned Orientalist, Dr. M, Winternitz, he prepared the thesis : 
Some Problems Connected with Brahmanical Asceticism for which 
he was awarded the degree of Ph. D. of the University of Prague 
in 1930. He began his career as a Professor of Sanskrit at the 
Ramjas College, Delhi ( 1922-1926 ). Then in 1926, he joined the 
S. D. College, Cownpore, in the same capacity. Thereafter, he 
was a Sanskrit Tutor ( 1932-36 ) in the Retreat School established 
by Mrs. Ambalal Sarabhai. Next he came to Poona and worked 
for some time as an Honorary Prof, of Sanskrit in the S, P. 
College. Finally he went to Delhi once more and took up the 
appointment of the Senior Professor of Sanskrit at the Hin^u 
College, and of the Reader in Sanskrit at the University of 

When one takes into consideration these vicissitudes in the 
life of Dr. Sharma, one is astonished ab the amount of research 

140 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

work of high merit turned out by him. Once he took up a work 
he knew no respite until ife was successfully completed. Ha 
worked with a rare singleness of purpose and indefatigable 
energy, even to the neglect of his health. His devotion to duty 
did not blind him, however, to the values of human life. He 
possessed a genial personality. Wherever he went he made 
numerous friends on account of his cheerful outlook on life, an 
ever-present smile, ready wit and a buoyant sense of humour. 
He had great command over Sanskrit, in which he lectured wife 
grace and ease as though it were his mother-tongue. Besides, 
he had great liking for music and those who had the privilege of 
hearing him sing the Astapadis of Jayadeva at the delegated 
lodge of the Hyderabad Session of the Oriental Conference will 
certainly miss him very much at its next Session. Though Dr. 
Sharma has shed the mortal coil, his memory will be ever green 
in the hearts of his numerous friends all over the country. 

N. A. Gore 


The death of Mahamahopadhyaya Vasudeva Sastri Abhyankar, 
on the Hth Oct. 1942, brings to an end the distinguished line of 
teacher and pupil descending from the famous Nllakantha Sastri 
Thatte of the Peshwa days, who brought Sanskrit learning from 
ita di&tant seat at Benares to this capital of Mahar&stra, The 
study of grammar was the forte of these stalwarts and their 
profound knowledge of this branch gave them an easy mastery 
over other branches of Sanskrit learning like Nyaya, MlmamsS, 
Vedanta, since grammar is the very foundation of Sanskrit 
learning. The late Vasudeva Sastri was the last of these Mai- 
warts and the most distinguished both on account of his position 
as Professors' Professor in the Fergusson College, and on account 
of the very extensive record of his erudition evidenced in 
mimeroBs works that he wrote and edited during a ftuitf ul period 
o* 50 years of his life in Poona ( 1892 tp 

Obituary Notices 141 

Vfcsudeva Sastri hailed from Satara where he studied under 
RamaSastri Godbole, a distinguished pupil of Bhaskara&astri 
Abhyankar, the grand-father of Vasudeva&astri. Bhaskaraststri 
(1785-1572) founded a Sanskrit PathasJala afc Satara, wrote a 
commentary on the difficult grammatical work " Sekhara " and 
was honoured by the public with the title " Vidvanmukuta- 
ratna", for his profound erudition. He was first among the 
pupils of the famous Nllakantbasiastri Thatte, the " Panini " of 
Poona-, and VasudevasJastri who was fourth in this line of 
teacher and pupil may be fittingly honoured with the title of the 
"Pataiijali" of Maharastra, not only because the study of 
grammar received a vigorous impetus through his pupils who 
were in charge of the numerous PathaSalas in Maharastra, but 
also because he undertook and completed in his old age the 
stupendous task of translating the Mahabhftsya in Marathi and 
dedicated it to the people of MahSr&stra through the D. E. Society 
OB the occasion of the celebration of his 76th birth day. 

VSsudeva&astri lost his father when he was just a year old, 

and his grand-father when he was seven. So bis guru Rama- 

Sastri Godbole undertook the task of looking to the education of 

VasudevaSastri, a task he performed with such thorough zeal and 

devotion that the late Mahamahopadhyaya could ill conceal the 

tears of gratitude in his eyes, whenever he had occasion to refer 

to his guru. He Imparted all his deep learning to this more than 

a pupil and sent him to Poona with his blessings in the year 

1891 where through the good offices of the late Justice Eanade, 

he was introduced to the management of the Furgusson College 

and was appointed a Sastri at the College to strengthen the 

department of Sanskrit which was severly crippled through the 

loss in 1892 of Principal Vaman Shivaram Apfce. His association 

with the College for over fifty years shed lustre over the College 

as a seat of Sanskrit learning. He was truly the Professors 

Professor and used to explain all their difficulties in the various 

Sastras, He bore his profound erudition with **eh ^^ *"** 

and humility, that it never repelled his pupils but attracted *hem 

more and more to him. 

In recognition of his service to the cause ol 
honoured with the title of " Mahamahop*dhTy* 

Annals of the Bhandarkar^ Oriental Research Institute 

Imperial Government in the year 1921, His numerous admirers 
and pupils from all parts of Maharastra celebrated his 76th 
birth-day in a manner worthy of so great an occasion ; the thou 
Prime-minister of the Bombay Presidency presided over the 
celebrations ; he announced the publication of the 1st Volume of 
the translation in Marathi of the Patanjala-mahabhasya, a work 
which the Mahamahopadhyaya presented to the Fergusson 
College as a token of his loving regard for that Institution. 
Two volumes out of the projected five have already seen fch& 
light of day, and the remaining three together with the learned 
introduction will soon be published. It was the hope of the 
promoters of the project that the whole work would be printed 
and published during its author's life-time ; but that was not to 
be 1 and to the eternal regret of all lovers of Sanskrit, a light 
passed away from the world, leaving it to grope its way through 
the fog and darkness of ignorance. 

The late MahSmahopadhyaya's connection with the Bhandar- 
kar Institute dates from the very foundation of the Institute ; he 
was elected honorary member of the Institute, and was also for 
over two decades a member of its Regulating Council. He edited 
numerous texts for the Bombay Sanskrit Series, and also wrote 
many original works and commentaries. Sanskrit learning has 
sustained a heavy blow by his death, which creates a gap 
among the ranks of Sanskritists which it would be very difficult 
to fill in the near future. May his son! rest in peace 1 

C. R. Devadhar 


17th August 1873 22nd January 1943 

There is no Orientalist in India or outside who has not heard 

of the name of Dr. N. G. Sardesai, the famous founder of the 

Oriental Book Agency of Poona. In view of his lasting services 

to Sanskrit learning for the last quarter of a century by the 

publication of no less than 82 volumes of his Poona Oriental Series 

wad the^Poojia Orientalist now running its 7th Volume. Dr. 

Sardssai's sad demise on 32nd January 1943 will be deeply 

mcmraad by mil lovers of Sanskrit learning. 






Obituary Notices 

Dr. Sardesai was born at Sakhrl in Kolhapufr State on 17th 
August 1873. He received his early education at Paniharpur 
and later in the New English School of Poona from which he 
passed his Matriculation Examination in 1892. In 1893 he join- 
ed the Grant Medical College Bombay, but had to leave the 
medical course for a couple of years for want of funds. 
Finally he passed his L, M. & S. examination in 1902 and served 
as Medical Officer at Pandharpur during the Plague Epidemic 
of 1901-1902. From 1903 to 1907 he worked aa a private medical 
practitioner at Yeotmal in Berar and between 1908 and 1910 he 
served as Assistant-Surgeon at Penang ( Straits Settlements). 
He was Chief Medical Officer at Ichalfcaranji between 1911-1912. 
The writer of this note first made the acquaintance of Dr, 
Sardesai at this time through a common friend the late Mr, 
Yinayak Gopal Joshi. This acquaintance deepened into friend- 
ship which lasted from 1913 upto 1943, a period of 30 years dur- 
ing which Dr. Sardesai settled and worked in Poona as a 
medical practitioner and as the Proprietor of his Oriental Book 

The interest of Dr. Sardesai in Sanskrit learning may be 
traced to the religious bent of his father's mind as also that of his 
aunt Mra Radhabai Padhye who belonged to the family of 
Ka&nathabhatta Padhye the author of the celebrated Dhartna- 4 
sindhu. This interest was further developed by the contact of 
Sanskrit scholars like Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, Dr. P. D. Gune and 
Prof. R. D. Ranade, who took active part in founding the 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute between 1915 and 1917. 
He worked whole-heartedly with these scholars in the early 
years of the history of the Institute, being its first Treasurer * 
between 1915 to 1921 and member of its Regulating Council for 
different periods. He became the Vice-Patron of the Institute at 
its very inception and had helped the activities of the Institute 
in its infancy by advancing a loan of Rs. 15000 at a low rate of 
interest. He was a friend of scholars and met their scholarly 
needs by publishing their works, which were not likely to bring 
him any immediate profit. To invest capital in such publica- 
tion activity continuously was almost a game of patience for 
Dr. Sardesai in spite of his enterprise, indefatigable industry, 
cautiousness and other qualities which made him a successful 
business man even in a line which was shunned by ordinary 
publishers on account of its financial risks. 

144 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Dr. Sardesai had special interest in the Ayurveda, Heredity 
and Eugenics, besides his interest in Sanskrit learning generally, 
He is the author of some papers on the subjects of his interest 
Recently he published an edition of the Amarakoia with the 
commentary of Kslrasvamin jointly with his friends Mr. G, D, 
Padhye and Dr. H. D. Sharma, who unfortunately died on lift 
September 1942 but who had helped Dr. Sardesai in many of his 
publications during the last 10 years. Dr. Sardesai had a great 
love for travel. In 1911 he travelled to Java and Sumatra with 
the Chief saheb of Ichalkaranji and brought with him copies of 
the Javanese Ramayarta and the MaJiabharata. In 1927 he made a 
trip to Mount Kailasa and the Manasa Lake. This trip was the 
result of his reading of Dr. Sven Hedin's Trans Himalayas. Dr, 
Sardesai had nothing but admiration for all genuine scholarly 
work. The writer of this note still remembers how in 1940 he 
approached him and Dr, S.M. Katre for organizing a commemora- 
tion Volume in honour of Mm. Prof. P. V. Kane and how quickly 
he purchased the necessary paper for this volume inspite of the 
heavy cost of paper and printing involved in this project Th 
Editors lost no time in meeting Dr. Sardesai's wishes and brought 
out a volume worthy of the great scholar in May 1941. 

It is a matter for satisfaction to note that Dr. Sardesai leaves 
behind him capable sons, the elder one Dr. R. N. Sardesai 
LG.P.B. is now looking after his father's Oriental Book Agency. 
He obtained the Alexander von Humboldt scholarship for 
medical studies in Germany between 1936 and 1938 and has 
profited by his stay in Germany, a country which has specialized 
in Oriental publications. The younger son Mr. V. N. Sardesai, 
M.A,, LC.S,, Bar-at-Law, is now District Judge at Dhulia. He 
passed the I, C, S. examination in 1928 and the M. A. examina- 
tion of the University of London in 1929. Oriental scholars may 
confidently hope that these worthy sons of a worthy father would 
not only maintain their interest in Oriental publications in the 
manner of their father but would develop it in new channels to 
suit the growing interests of Indology in this country and 

P. K. Gode 


It is with a profound sense of grief that we record the demise 
of Mrs. 0. A. F. Rhys Davids, President of the Pali Text Society, 
who passed away on the 26th June 1942, Since the death of her 
husband, Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, on 27th Dec. 1922, she had 
ably filled in the post. She was a pupil of Prof. T. W. Rhys 
Davids, whom she married in 1894. Since her marriage, she 
abundantly helped her husband in his scholarly pursuits. To her 
philosophical temperament, Buddhist Abhidhamma covering the 
studies of psychology and ethical philosophy appealed most. 
For the Pali Text Society, she has edited Vibhanga, Yamaka, 
Patthana with Commentary and Visuddhirnagga. She has also 
made available to us several books in English translation in her 
" Psalms of the Early Buddhists " ( transl. of Thera-and Therl- 
gatha ), " The Book of Kindred Sayings " ( transl. of the Samyut* 
tanikaya, vols. 1 & II X " Buddhist Psychology " ( transl. of 
Dhammasangani ), " Minor Anthologies " ( transl. of Dhamma- 
pada and Khuddakapatha ) ; and also in collaboration with other 
scholars, "Compendium of Philosophy " (transl. of Abhi- 
dhammatthasangaha ) and " Points of Controveray " ( transl. of 
Kathavatthu ). We also owe to her Index of Samyuttanikaya 
as well as of Majjhima-nikaya. Her manuals like " Buddhism, n 
"Buddhist Psychology ", " A Manual of Buddhism for Advanced 
Students " are well-known to all students of Buddhist philo- 
sophy and religion. The last-mentioned book along with her 
"Sakya, Or Buddhist Origins" reveal a change that had come 
over her, during the last few years, in her attitude to the 
Buddhist teaching as revealed in the Pali texts. In one of her 
numerous contributions to scholarly journals, she even goes to 
the length of complaining that her changed point-of-view is not 
yet sufficiently appreciated by scholars or workers in that field. 

She was connected with the Bhandarkar Oriental Kesearch 

Institute, since 1931, when she was elected an Honorary Member 

of the Institute. In her latest contribution to the Silver Jubilee 

Volume, she gives expression ( pp. 80-83 ) to her sore dis-appoint* 

19 [ Annals, B. O. R. I. ] 

146 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

ment and depression that had come over her. Her heart seemed 
to have been broken at the depleted resources of the Pali Texfe 
Society, and at the still more ghastly incident of all the reserve 
stocks of the Pali Text Society being burnt up by a terrible 
misaimed German bomb. She, also, seemed to be conscious of 
her approaching death when she says in the above-mentioned 
article (p. 83 ) " It is not likely I shall be here to write FINIS to 
our work, *' She also expresses the agony she felt at just mis. 
sing the completion of the task of the Pali Text Society by a few 
volumes (6 or 8) 4 and for leaving the work of Pali Concordance 

There is no doubt that we have lost a great scholar-champion 
of early Buddhism in Europe. There is however a hope that her 
successor, Miss. I. B. Horner, M.A., will soon be able to fill in 
the gap. 

P. V. Bapat 


The undersigned recently read, with a sense of grave personal 
loss, the very sad news of the unexpected and premature demise, 
in New^ York, of his Guru, Professor Dr. Heinrich Zimraer. 
Prof. Zimrner was one of the most distinguished pupils of Prof. 
Lxiders, He worked as Extraordinary Professor of Indology in 
the University of Heidelberg till 1939, in which year, owing to 
unfavourable political conditions, h had to run away from his 
Fatherland. He first went to Oxford where, for a short time, he 
worked aa a Guest-Professor. Then he proceeded to the United 
States of America and was appointed a visiting Professor of 
Indie Studies in the Columbia University. He continued to work 
in that capacity till the time of his sad death. 

Like hi s father (Prof. Zimmer, the author of that monu- 
mental work, Alfcindisches Leben - ) t Professor Zimmer had 
made a deep study of Sanskrit literature and Indian Philosophy. 
possessed quite a remarkable insight into things Indian, 
n a casual talk with him would make this trait of his scholar- 

Obituary Notices 

ship sufficiently clear. Through his learned translations of 
difficult Sanskrit texts and, more particularly, through his ori- 
ginal work in the field of iconography and Indian Mythology, 
Professor Zimrner has made his mark in the world of scholars. 
Prominent among his many outstanding contributions to Indolo- 
gical Studies are " MAYA, der indische Mythos ", " Ewiges 
Indien ", " Anbetung mir v and " Spiel urn Elephanten ". 

In Professor Zinimer, death has snatched away a leading 
member of the Faculty of Indology in Germany. 

R, N. D. 

While we go to press we have to perform the sad duty 
of recording the great loss which Indology in the West has 
recently suffered through the demise of another eminent 
Sanskritist in Europe. Professor E, H. Johnston, who succeeded 
Prof, F. W. Thomas as Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the 
University of Oxford in 1937, died in October 1942. His 
contributions to Sanskrit Studies include " Early Samkhya", 
and the English translations of Asvaghosa's " Buddhacarita ", 
and "Saundarananda". His learned reviews of Indological works, 
which often appeared in the pages of the J. R. A. S., were always 
indicative of his precise scholarship. 


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f T% 

(?) flM^^r^n' 5$ cft^jp^^f: I ^ci^ <vy*uii 

^ricTT^ I cf'TT 

* These additions are made in the upper, lower and side 
margins on the following folios of Ms. : 22, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 
39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45 and 48. In this appendix also the pratikas are 
printed in black type and adhyaya and sloka numbers from the 
Critical Edition of the Mbh. published by B. O. E. I. are adopted. 
In some places, where the pratikas have not been originally given, 
they are supplied in brackets. 

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II. 4. 8. 



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t A quotation from Brahmaparana ; also given by AparSrKa 
in Ms commentary of Yajnavalkyasmrfci ( acaradhyaya ). 
* Amarakosa II 6. 121. 

Vot.XXIV] - [PA.TS1H-IV 

Annals of the 

Bhandarkar Oriental 

Research Institute 

Volume XXIV 



POONA . ^ 

Printed and published by Dr, R. N. Dandekar, M.A f a^IX^ y^ 
Bhaodarkar Institute Press, Bhkndariar OM^f ^J^ 
Resesr^ Instioite, ?ocba Ife 4} - " c ^ " . 



Bi* Excellency Sir Lawrence Roger Lumley, G.C.I.E., D.L., 

Governor of Bombay 

Vice-Presidents * 

Sir Ciiintamanrao alia, Appasaheb Patw*rdha, Rajasaheb of Sangii 
Bhrimant Sir Malojirao Mudhojirao alias **na*ah e b Naik Nimbalkar, 


t, B.A. 

SIP G. I>. Madgaonkar, I.C.S. 
Dn Sir ^. P. Paranjpye, M.A., D.Hc. 
Mr. N. a Kelkar, B. A., LL.B. 


Chairman * 
8|irimit Balasaheb Pant Pratiuidhi, B.A., Eaja.a^eb of Aundh 

Vice- Chairman * 
Dr. Sir ft. P. Paranjpye, M.A., D.Sc. 

- A, 8. Alfcekar, M.A., LL.B^ B.Litt. 

. P. V. 

r. V. G. Bhat, M^ Pb.D. 

. Damle, M.A. 
Bafeadnr K K. Dikshit, M A 

. ad gil t M.A M M 
A, B. Qajendragadkar, M.A. 

, M,A. t B.Sc. 
R, ix Kannarkar, M/A, 

,. t . 

, I>liariQananda Kosambi 
* S. 

t JX V. 

, B.A; 
. Abdul 

a B A 

*7bin# Trustees 

SardarG.^Mujumdar, C.I.E. 
Oiwan Bahadur K. M. Jbaven\ 


EXECUTIVE BOARD for 1942-45 
Prin. J". R. Gharpure, B.A., LIAB. 

( Chairman) 
Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D. 

( Secretary) 
Prof, a R. Devadhar, M.A. 

( Treasurer} 

tProf. K. V. Abhyankar, M.A. 
Bao Bahadur Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, 

M.A., Ph.T). 

iDr. S. M. Katre, M.A , Ph.D. 
Dr. V. G. Paranjpe, M.A., LL.B M 


tDr. M. B. Rehnian, M,A M Ph.D. 
Dr. P. L. Vaidya, M.A., DXitt. 
t Kominated by 


Annals of the 

Bhandarkar Oriental 

Research Institute 

Volume XXIIT 


[. r. ABHYANKAR, M.A. R. ft. DANDEKAB. MA., Ph.D. 



Printea sad jiublished by Dr. R. N. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D., u the 
Bhapdarkar Institute Press, Bhaadarkar Orient* 
Research Institute, Poona No. 4- 




Was the? a Eastrakuta Empire in th 6th century 
A.D.? by Dr. A. a Aitekar, M.A., LL.B,, 
D.Litt., (Benares Hindu University) . 149-155 

Slb&ji PratSparS^a, a Protege of BurhSn NizSm Shah 
of Ahmadnagar, and his works between 
A. D. 1500 and 1560, by P. K. Gode, M.A. - 156-164 

Jufidioal Studies in ancient Indian Law, by Dr- 
Ludwik Sternbach, University Krakow, 
Lwbw ( Poland ) ... 165-174 

Nasallzasatlon in the Middle Indo- Aryan, by Or. C 

Basu, M.Ao, Dacca University ... 175-190 

The FisL in Indian Folklore and the Age of the 
Atharvaveda by Dr, A. P. Karmarkar, M.A, 
LL.B., Ph.D. ... 191-20S 

The Concept of SthSyibhava in Indian Poetics 
{ A Psychological Scrutiny) by Prof. D- D, 
Vadekar, M.A. ^ 207-214 

The Symbolic Deer by Dorothea Chaplin, F.3.A., ... 215-823 

Oui ootdiai greetings to the Ganganath Jhs 
Eesearch Institute by Rao Bahadur Dr, S. K, 
Belvalkar, M.A., Ph.D- - 224-426 

8m rare works in the Anup Sanskrit Library by 
K. Madhava Krishna Sarma, Curator, Anup 
Sanskrit Library - 227-230 

Joha* by Narayanrao Babasaheb Ghorpadt, 
tehaikaranji - 



Rtghava-Bhatta and his Tlthinirnaya-SSroddhara 

by Prof. G. V. Devasthali, M. A. B.T,, Naslk ... 233-236 

GltS as Post-Buddhist L> SI. M Bedekar ... 237-238 

Mir Khusraw or Farrukhfal by G, H. Khare, Curator 

B. I. S. Mandala, Poona . 239*240 

Cultural Index of the Puranas ... 241 


The early Muslim Expansion in South. India, by 
N. Venkataramanyya, reviewed by Prof. S. R. 
Sharma, M.A. ... 242-243 

(1) Annual Bibliography of Indian History and 
Indology, Vol. II, for 1939, by Brag A. Fernandas, 
(2) A Glossary of Philosophical Terms, by 
Shankar Rau, M.Aa, (3* I^a^asyopanisad- 
Bhasya of Sri Venkatanatha, edited and 
translated by Dr. K. O, Varadachari, M.A. 3 Ph.D. 
and D. T. Tatacharya, ( 4 ) Samurtarcanadhl^ 

karana ( Atri-Samhita X edited by P. Raghu- 
nSthachakravarti Bhattacharya^ ( 5 ) Sri Ram- 
nujaoampu, edited by Prof. P. P. Subrahmanya 
Sastriyar, (6 ) Vedanta-Paribhasa, edited with 
an English translation by Prof, S. S Surya- 
narayana Sastri, M.A. V B.Sc., ( Oxon ), 
Bar-at-Law, (7) The Bhagavad-Glta and 
modern scholarship, by S. C. Roy, M.A, 
(London), LE.S., reviewed by Dr. A. P. 
Karmarkar, M.A., LL.B,, PhJX ... 243-247 

{ 1 ) KalidSsa, a study, by Prof. G. C. Jhala, M. A 
(2) Sculpture inspired by Kalidasa, by CX 
Sivaramaraurfci, M.A., (3) An Introduction to 
Classical Sanskrit, by G. B. Sastrl, M.A M 
( 4 ) Some concepts of Alamkara Sastra, by 
V. Raghavan, M. A., Ph.D., ( 5 ) KavyaprakSsa 
UllSsa X, by S, S. Sukthankar, M A., ( 6 ) 
EasagangSdhara, by Mm. Pandit Dugaprasad, 
reviewed by Prof. C. R. Devadhar, M.A. ... 248*251 

Contents yj 

The Doctrine of Karmau in Jain Philosophy by 
Dr. Helmufeh Von Glassenapp, reviewed by 
Prof. N. V. Vaidya, HA. ... 251-252 

Akara HanumantasI Hitaguja ( Marathi ), by S. K. 
Phadk, reviewed by Prof, N. Q% Damale, 
M.A. .,. 253 

Dandanltiprakaranam ( or Criminal Jurisprudence ) 
of Kesava Faridisa edited by V. S. Bandre, 
reviewed by P. K. Gode, M.A, ... 254-257 

The Nayaks of Taniore, by V. Vriddhagirlsan, 
M.A., MXitt., Lt. reviewed by T. S. Sheja- 
valkar, B.A. ._ 258-260 

The Spitit of Glta s by Santokh Singh, B.A. reviewed 

by S, N. Tadpatrifcar, M.A. , ... 260-261 

Khulasatu't-Tasanif ( also called Naslhat Nama ) of 
Imam al-Ghazzali f edited by Prof, B. D. 
Varma, M,A.,. M.F,, AF. f reviewed by Shaikh 
Chand Husain . 262 

Vasantavilasa, edited with Introduction and Notes 
by K. B. Vyas, M,A, reviewed by Prof. H. D, 
Velankar, M.A. ... 263-268 

( 1 ) Tibetan word book, ( 2 ) Tibetan syllables, ( 3 } 
Tibetan sentences, by Sir Basil Gould, GM.G., 
reviewed by Dr. P. V. Bapat, M.A., Ph.D. ... 269 

Tiloyapannatti, edited by Dr. A. N. Upadhye, M.A.., 
D.Litt. and Hiralal Jain, reviewed by Prof. 
R D, Vadekar, M. A. ... 270-271 

Decoan College Postgraduate and Research Insti- 
tute, Calender for Fifth Session (1943-44), 
reviewed by Dr. A* P. Karmarkar, M.A, 
LL.B., PhJX ... 271 

: Edited 

by Dr. B. N. Dandekar, reviewed by M. T. 
Vaidya, M.A. 

Books Received * 274-276 



Prin. Vinayak Ganesh Apee ( 1868-1943 ), by G. N. 

Shrigondekar-, B.A. ... 277 

( 1 i Shrimant Narayanrao Babasahsb Ghorpade, 
Chief Salieb of Ichajkaranji ( 1872-1943 ), 
( 2 ) MahSmahopadhyaya Prof, S. Kuppuswami 
Sastri (1880-1943), by P. sL Gode, M.A. .. 278-281 

( 1 > Geheimrat Professor Dr. Heinrioh Liiders 

{ 1869-1943 ) ( 2 ) Carlo Formichi ( 1871-1943 ) 
and ( 3 ) Stanislaw Scbayer ( 1899-1943 ), by 
Dr. B. BT. Dandekar, M.A., Ph.D. ... 282-285 

( 1 ) Fedore Ippolifcorich Stcherbatsky, (2) Sir Aurel 

Stein, by Dr P. V. Bapat, M.A., Pia.D. ... 284-288 

MahSmahopadhyaya Dr. R. Sliamasastri, by Dr. 

R. N. Dandekar, M.A.. Ph.D. ... 286 

Annals of the 
Bhandarkar Oriental 
Research Institute 



* * 

6th CENTURY A, D. ? 

A. S. Altekar 
( Benares Hindu University ) 

The history of the Dec can during the first half of the 6th 
century A. D. is still rather obscure. It is well known that the 
Calukyas founded their empire sometime in c. 560 A. D. But 
who was ruling before them over the.greater part of the Deocan 
is not yet quite clear. It has been recently argued that there was 
an Early Rastrakuta empire extending ov&r the whole of the 
Deccanfrom c. 475 to c. 610 A. D, 1 It was this Empire which 
the Calukyas acquried by conquest in the reigns of Jayasimha 
and Pulakessin II. 

Let us carefully consider the case that has been advanced in 
support of the existence of this Early Rastrakuta empire. The 
following are the main arguments - 

1 The Kauthem plates of Vikramadiya state that the early 

1 Dr.M. H. Krishna in M. A. S. R. for 1929 pp. 197 ff And K< 
Rangaswami Aiyangar Commemoration, Volume* pp. 55-63. 

150 Annals of the ffhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Calukya ruler Jayasimha established the Calukya sovereignty 
by defeating the Rastrakuta king Indra, the son of KrsBa 
who had a mighty force of 800 elephants. 1 It is therefore clear 
that there was a Rastrakuta kingdom before c. 550 A* D. 

S This prima facie conclusion is confirmed by epigraphical 
evidence. The Undivatika plates of Abhimanyu 2 show that he 
was a Rastrakuta ruler, son of Bhavisya, grandson of Deva- 
raja and great grandson of Mananka. King Abhimanyu was 
ruling over northern C. P. and Malva, but his grand-father and 
great grand- father were ruling in Chattisgarh Division of 0. P, 
as shown by their different charters. 5 It is therefore clear that 
MSnanka of the * Sarabhapura ' dynasty was the founder of the 
Rastraknta empire which originally embraced the eastern parts 
of C, P. The Papdurangapalll plates however show that Mananka 
extended his patrimony considerably, for he is there described as 
the conqueror of Anga, Asmaka and Vidarbha, i. e. Bihar, Berar 
and north-eastern Maharastra. Devaraja,the successor of Mananka, 
had three sons, Jayaraja, Bhavisya and Avidheya ; the existence 
of the last one has been recently disclosed by the Pandiirangapalll 
plates. During the time of these sons, who flourished in the 1st 
quarter of the 6th century, the Rastrakuta empire was divided 
into three parts, each ruled over by one of the brothers: Jayaraja 
was ruling in Ohattisgarh, Bhavisya in western C. P. and Avi- 
dheya in southern Maharastra. 

3 Of the next generetion, we know only Abhimanyu of the 
western 0. P. branch. We may however presume that the three 
Rastrakuta kingdoms continued to flourish as a kind of Rastra- 
kufc confederation giving rise to the terminology of the three 
MaharSstras that we meet with in the Aihole inscription, 

4 The Rastrakuta king Indra, son of Krsna, who was defeated 
by the Calukya ruler Jayasimha in c. 530 A.D. was most probably 
of king Avidheya of the PandurangapalU plates. 

1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XVI, pp, 151 ff. 
E. L, Vol. VIII, p. 63. 

I Khariar plates of Mahasudeva, E. I,, Vol. IX, p. 170 ; Raipur Plates of 
SudeyarSja, Fleet, Gupta inscriptions, p. 196; Pandurangapalli plates of 
AYidheya, M. A. 8. ma p. 197, 

a Empire 151 

5 Though defeated by Jayasirhha, the Raatrakutas of 
southern Maharastra continued to rule in a feudatory capacity. 
Their representative at the beginning of the 6th century A. D. 

g Qovinda, who took advantage of the chaos created by the 
war between Man^allsa and his nephew Pulakesin II by attacking 
the latter from the north of the Bhlmarathl where his patrimony 
lay He was however won over by Pulakesin and induced to 
become his feudatory. Thus ended the Early Rastrakuta Empire. 

Let us now examine the above arguments and find out 
whether they can prove the existence of an Early Rastrakuta 

As regards the first argument, it is no doubt true that a 
number of documents of the Later Calukyas state that Jaya- 
sirhtia of the early Calukya House established his kingdom by 
defeating the Rastrakuta king Indra, the son of Krsna. But we 
should remember in this connection that this statement occurs 
for the first time in the documents of the Later Calukya dynasty 
composed more than five centuries after the alleged event. If 
there was a mighty Rastrakuta empire which Jayasirhha had 
smashed by the prowess of his arms, why should the documents 
of the early Calukyas be silent about this most glorious achieve- 
ment of the founder of the dynasty ? Inscriptions of Klrtivarman 
I and Mano-ailsa which mention the name of Jayasimha do not 
mantion this achievement of his. Even Raviklrti, the author of 
the Aihole praiasti, who minutely describes the achievements of 
all the predecessors of his patron, mentioning the names of even 
the petty rulers defeated by them, has not a word to say^about 
the sensational overthrow of the early Rastrakuta empire by 
the founder of the house of his patron. If this overthrow was a 
historic fact, there is no doubt that Raviklrti would have grown 
eloquent over it 5 he would never have suppressed it. The silence 
of the Aihole inscription about the defeat of the Rastrakuta king 
Indra, the son of Ktsna, is in our opinion the most conclusive 
proof that it is a mere myth, invented by the later Calukyas. 

It may be observed in this connection that the history d fftj 
early Calukyas, as narrated by the Kauthem and other platw of 
the later Calukyas, which describe the alleged overthrow of tin 

152 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Instttutt 

early Rastrakuta empire by Jayasimha, is far from reliable, 
For instance, these plates gravely inform us that Mangallsa, th* 
uncle of Pulakesin II, voluntarily handed over the administration 
to his nephew, when he came of age ; for, * can a scion of the 
Calukya family ever swerve from the path of duty?' 1 The 
Aihole praiasti, which is a contemporary document, shows clearly 
that this is a pious lie, invented by the later court panegyrist in 
order to whitewash the character of Mangallsa. The overthrow 
of the Rastrakuta by early Calukyas belongs to the same 
category? the Calukyas could not conceal the fact that they 
had been once overthrown by the Rastrakutas in c. 750 A. D. ; 
the court poets of the Later Calukyas wanted to make it appear 
that a similar fate had overcome the Rasfrakutas also not only 
in 973 A. D but also on an earlier occasion, when the early 
Calukya empire was established by Jayasimha. 

It may be further pointed out that if the Rastrakuta empire 
of Indra, the son of Krsna, embraced the whole of the Deccan 
and was annexed by Jayasimha, there would have been no 
necessity of effecting any further conquests by the successors of 
Jayasimha. From the Aihole prasasti, we however learn that 
Klrtivarman had to conquer the Nalas of Bastar, the Mauryas of 
Konkan, the Kadambas of Karnataka, and that his successor 
Mangallsa had to defeat and annex the kingdom of the Eala- 
curis in northern 0. P, and Malva. It is however claimed that 
the early Rastrakuta empire embraced most of the Deccan. How 
then did the necessity arise of conquering the Bastar state, 
western 0. P. Malva and Konkan ? Did the successors of Jaya- 
aimha permit new kingdoms to arise in these parts of the 
Deccfvn? This will be extremely improbable. The Aihole inscrip- 
tion, which glorifies the achievements of every ancestor of 
Pulake&in, has to say nothing of any specific achievement of 
Jayasimha. It is doubtful if he enjoyed even the status of a 
feudatory ; it is therefore quite inconceivable that he would ever 
have overthrown any mighty empire. 

Let us now turn to the 2nd argument and try to find out 

Mli-NHl P ^ 1$ <rft nfa: JT^rf \\ liid. Ant. VIII. IS. 

ta Embire 

whether the epigraphs mentioned in it prove the existence of a 

Bastrakuta empire embracing the whole of the Deccan. It is 

likely that king Avidheya of the Pandurangapalll plates and 

Abhimanyu of the Undivatika were the descendants of Mananka 

and his son Devaraj a, though there is no conclusive proof for 

this assumption. We have several copper plates of these rulers, 

and is it not strange that only in one of them, the TJndivatika 

plates of Abhimanyu, they should have been described as 

Bastrakutas ? Mananka, Devaraja and Jayaraja, who ruled in 

Chattisgarh, have issued 5 charters ; in none of them are they 

described as Rastrakutas. The Southern MahSrastra branch is 

known from a single charter, - the Pandurangapalil plates, 

and that too does not describe the rulers as Rastrakutas, It is 

only in the Undivatika plates that Abhimanyu describes himself 

as a Rastrakuta. Tf out of the three dynasties of the so-called 

Kastrakuta confederacy, two never described themselves as 

Kastrakutas, how could the empire have been known as a 

Rastrakuta empire ? 

But even if we suppose that the members of all the three 
branches were known as Rastrakutas, it does not follow that 
there was a big Rastrakuta empire embracing the whole of the 
Deccan in the 6th century. The Chhatisgarh branch came to an 
end with Sudevaraja ; soon after his death, the Somavamsl kings 
established their sovereignty over the province* Tnere is nothing 
to show that Abhimanyu of western 0. P. and Avidheya of 
southern Maharastra were members of any confederacy ; for 
aught we know, they were local rulers, ruling over small 
states* Even if we suppose that their kingdoms included 
the whole of Maharastra, there is nothing to show that their 
descendants continued to rule over this big territory* There is 
definite evidence to show that Malva and northern MakSra^fra 
passed under the Kalacuris in the latter half of the 6fch century 
A. D. Mangallsa had to defeat them in order to establish his 
sovereignty over that region* The Mauryas and the Kadambaa 
were in power in southern Konkan and Maharastra and 
Karnatak when the Oalukyas came on the scene, as is clearly 
proved by the Aihole praiasti. If there were any Rartrafcu^a 
families by the middle of the 6th century A. D., they must hav* 

i 54 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

been petty local rulers and not the members of any big federa- 
tion, exercising sway from Chatfcisgarh to Konkan and Malva 
to Karnatak. 

As regards the 3rd argument, we have already pointed out 
why we cannot accept the statements of the later Calukya plates 
that Jayasimha had defeated a Rastrakuta king Indra, son, of 
Ersna, The theory that this Indra was a son of king Avidheya 
of P5ndurangapalli plates is based on conjecture and has no 
shred of substantial evidence in its support. The chronological 
scheme accepted by Dr. Krishna himself goes against this sugges- 
tion. He places Avidheya, the grand-father of Indra in c. 530 
A.D. His grandson Indra therefore must be placed in c. 570 A.D. 
His contemporary in the Calukya dynasty would be Zlrti- 
varman I and and not his great grand-father Jayasimha. How 
then is it possible to assume that Jayasimha defeated Krsna, 
who flourished three generations later ? 

The 5th argument that the continuance of the Rastrakuta power 
down to a 6iO A. D. is proved by the Aihole inscription is also 
weak. Ihis inscription no doubt states that PulakeMn II won 
over a king named Govinda, who attacked him from the north 
of Bhlmarathl, but it does not state that he was a Rastrakuta, 
Dr. R* G. Bhandarkar had no doubt advanced the vi ew that he 
was a Rastraku^a ruler, and identified him with Govinda, the 
great grand-father of the Rastrakuta emperor Krsna L This 
theory is however untenable in view of the serious chronological 
difficulty it has to overcome. Since Govinda, the opponent of 
Pulake&in II flourished from c. 610 to 630 A. D. ; his great grand- 
son could have flourished from c. 670 to c. 690 and not from c, 760 
to 775, which, we know, was the time of Krsna L It is further to 
be noted that the Aihole inscription does not at all describe 
Govinda, the opponent of Pulake&in II, as a Rastrakuta. 

A careful examination of the different arguments advanced 
in support of the theory of the existence of a Rastrakuta empire 
in the 6fch century A. D. thus shows that it is altogether 
Untenable. Most of the kings, who are said to have belonged 
to the Rastrakflta confederation, do not; describe themselves 
as Bttfrakatas. They were not rulers over the whole of the 

R&strakftfa Empire 155 

Deccan; the Nalas, the Mauryas, the Kalacuris and the 
Kadambas were ruling over the major part of Maharastra by c. 
550 A. IX and not "Rastrakutas. Later Calukya records no 
doubt assert that Jayasimha, the founder of the early C&lukya 
dynasty, had defeated a Rastratuta king named Indra, son of 
Krsna. But their statement is unreliable, as it is inconceivable 
that Raviklrti in his Aihole prasasti would have silently passed 
over the most glorious achievement of the founder of the house 
of his patron. The early Calukyas founded their kingdom by 
overthrowing the Nalas, the Mauryas, the Kalaouris and the 
and not the Rastrakutas, 




In June 1941 my friend the late Dr. H. D. Sharma visited 
Poona and during his stay of a month or so he carried out a 
complete analysis of a work on dharmasastra called the 
Parasurarnapratapa at my instance. The results of his elaborate 
analysis of this compendium represented by some Mss at the 
B. O. R. Institute have been already published in the Poona 
Orientalist l Though Dr. Sharma saw through the proofs of this 
paper he has not lived to see it in a published form 1 I had 
promised Dr. Sharma a paper on the author of this work but 
unfortunately I could not draft it earlier owing to other 

The author of the Parasuramapratapa ( = P) is Sabaji 
Prataparaja ( = P). Aufrecht makes the following entries 
regarding this author and his works 

CCI, 327~" q^nrr srcTro dh. by Sambajlprataparaja. B. 3 M 102. 

Burneli 131 a . Poona 157, 158, 560, II, 233-245, 

Quoted by Kamalakara Oxf. 278 b Comm. 

s&Tu^rtfcNsr by Vopadeva, Poona II, 246. " 

See COl y 711 ( qnrerrefr srarcRrsr ). 

1 Vide pp. 1-26 of PO, VII ( April and July 1943 ) Dr. Sharma makes the 
following remarki about this work : 

lt Parasuramapratapa is a huge work of an encyclopaedic nature. No 
other library possesses a complete Ms of this work, except the B. 0. B, 
Institute, Poona, Library. But even the Institute Mss of this work have a 
large number of folia missing. The work is on the general topics of Dharma- 
&*tra and contains 16 Sections or Kan4as. It has been split up into 17 
different codices in the Institute library. Burnell's Catalogue of Tanjore 
library (p. 131a ) records only 5 Mss of 5 Sections. In the Baroda Oriental 
Institute there is only one Ms ( No, 5887 ) of one Section ( iM^^re^g ). 
The stupendous nature of the work can be judged by the total number of 
leavts which is 

Sabaji Prataparaja 157 

Mm Prof. P. V. Kane 1 makes the following remarks about 

the works of SP : . 

p 755" ^T*oTFHr or ^TSTTSft STrTTORTST, SOH of <TT^rT T^T^m* of 
3Tm^^T3'?^r*frsr. He was a protege of f^^TTJT^rri'; a. of 
crc^ycmqrTTT and vrrn^T4^TT?^r ( vide Ms No. 5887 
Baroda O. I. for ^regjsrePT^ of the ^SFCTO^TT and 
is a part of it ). " 

by ^rrersfr or ^n^r^fr srarotra 1 , son of 

of ^iT^q^^Tfm and pupil of 

and a protege of T%?TF*n?rTS. Seems to have contained 
at least 3*1%*, snf&fif^p, ST* srnrf^TT, ^^TT, TT^^frit 
and srra[. Vide Visrambag Collection (in Deocan 
College) II, No. 243-246 and Burnell's Tanjore 
Cats. p. 13 l a . A huge work. Baroda O. L 5887 is 
^3^*^*^ which is like mTOtgra^ in subject 
matter. C. n^[^t^cfTR^T or^ safnT^f^r of 
Quotes %mft f 

P. 598-" w^T^frf^^r by ^wcsft (or-wrr) alias 

Ulwar Cata. extract 648. " 
Aufrecht makes the following entries regarding 

CGI, 407*' *Tn5rr4*rf^T quoted in s^rsr^ftf^r Oxf. 274*, In 


As Kamalakara, the author of ft*lf*V ( A. D 1618 ) 
Sabaji's qtwnmw and tnferfrffftfl* we muBt 

ewlier than A. D. 161*. The Mss 

noted by Burnell ( 131- ) belong to " aba* 

the mtfefffer. which quotes SP's 

W and 

A. D. 1665 according to Prof. P. V. Kane 

^^, which quotes W . ^T?^, is P 08 
636 ) who is assigned by Kane " between **' 
ohronological references indicate that SP IB definitely 
than A. D. 1600. 

1 History of Dharma&Ustra, Vol. I, 1930. 

2 [ Annals, B. O. B. 1. 1 

158 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

SP appears to have composed a poem called the 
OTS*T ", a Ms ] of which is dated Samvat 1667 ( A., D. 1611 ). This 
date is very important as it confirms the conclusion regarding 
SP's date arrived at by me to the effect that SP is earlier than 
A. D, 1600. 

Let us now consider the evidence furnished by the works of 
Sabaji* about his Muslim patron. This evidence is as follows ; 

( 1 ) Sabaji refers to f^rnrsn^rnfr as follows on folio 2 a of 
Ms No. 283 of Vis JJ 

u ?s u " 
?H it " 

U ?<2 II " 

Both ^TW^STE^ and HWl^^lT^'T^TfT refer to the same capital of 
Silbaji's patron viz. Ahmadnagar which was founded by Ahmad 
Nizam Shah between A, D. 1490 and 1508. 

( 2 ) Sabaji refers to his relation to his patron f%3TnTqTrf as 
follows : ( folio 2 a of Ms No. 233 of Vis II) 

* Vide p, 71 of H. P. Sastri's Des. Cata. of History and Geography Mss 
in the E. A* S, B,, Calcutta, 1923 ( Vol. IV ) Ms !No. 3101 Post colophon 
endorsement :-* nnRl^ V9 s ? 

s - R Bhandarkar notes a Ms of qr^HJFTFT dated Samvat 1556 
[ Vide p, 35 of his Report for 1904-1906 ( Rajputana and Central India)] 
This date of Ma, if correct, comes to A. D. 1500. I am unable to verify it as 
no details of it are recorded in tbe Report. If the year belongs to the Saka 
era, the date would be A. JD. 1578, which would be in harmony with tne 
eridence regarding the chronology of Sabaji Prat3paraja recorded in this 
paper. It is difficult to reconcile the date A* D. 1500 for a Ms of MWWnTFT 
with its date of composition which seems to lie between c. A. D. 1509 and 
1553 the period of the reign of Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. 

One frt^T^r 3T4H =^p: is often mentioned in tbe Marath.5 Chronicles. 
I am unable to penetrate the mist of gossip about this personage who is 
supposed by some writers to belong to Nizamshahi and by others to belong 
to Adilsh&kt. Another writer says that he flourished towards the close of 
the Peshwa Period ( Vjde pp. 355-356 of Madhyayuglna Cantra Kotsa by 
Chltrav Shaitri, Poona. 1937 ). The question of the identity or otherwise 
of our orrofr nmTOST with ^fsrrsfr 3^ ^ ne^ds to be examined by students 
of the MarathS history* 

Sab&ji Pratapardja 159 

?<* u 


In the colophons Sabaji refers to his patron as follows : 

etc. >' 

In the colophon of the Ms of the FS^SWf r^rsq- ( dated A, D. 
1611 ) Sabaji refers to f^"^fr?TFTi" as follows : 

( ^T ) 

u " 

The foregoing references leave no doubt that Sabaji Pratapa- 
raja was highly favoured by his patron f^siiHWB' of 3^r^5^ O r 
Ahmadnagar. We must now try to identify this fttuu^u? in the 
list ! of the Kings of the Nizarnshahi dynasty of Ahmadnagar. 

The Wizatn Shahl Kings of Ahmadnagar appear to have been 

1 Vide page 389 of Imperial Gazetter of India, Vol. II ( 1909 ) Table XI- 
Nizam iShaJil Kings of Ahmadnagar Nizam-ul-mulk, Bahri, a converted 

I Ahmad Shah ( d. 1508 ). 

tlBurhan Shah ( d. 1553-4 ) ( Patton of ^ff^l^ft ifrJUUM ). 

Ill Husain Shah ( d. 1565 ) 

IVMurtaza Shah ( " the madman " murdered 6th July 1588 }. 

V Husain Shah ( deposed April 30, 1589 ). 

VI Ismail Shah ( deposed by his father May 26, 1591 ). 

VII Burhan Shah ( died April 30, 1595 ). 

VIII Ibrahim Shah ( killed in battle Sept, 1595). 

IX Ahmad Shah ( usurper set aside Feb. 1596 ). 

&-*Bahadur Shah ( deposed and sent to Gwalktf, Capital taken by 

Akbar, 1600 ) 

!l~Murtaza Shah ( imprisoned and strangled 1631 ). 

BhUh ( a boy of ten, removed by Mughals and tent to 

Bee also p. 320 of Lana-Poole : Mohammedan Dynasties, 

160 Annals of the Bh&ndarkar Oriental Research Institute 

patrons of Hindu writers, Dalapatir&ya, * the author of tha 
celebrated dharmaiastra work Nrsimhaprasada was not only a 
high army-officer in the employ of Ahmad Nizam Shah (A. D, 
1490-1510) but was also his Keeper of Records. I have already 
identified this author in the Burhan-i- Masir or the History of 
the Nizamshahi Kings of Ahrnadnagar, which Lt. OoL Haig regards 
as ** fairly trustworthy so far as it relates to domestic affairs." 
In this very Bur ha n-i- Masir its author gives an account of the 
meeting between Burhan Nizam Shah, of Ahmadnagar and 
Sultan Bahadur of Gujarat as follows : 

" Some historians have related that the meeting: of these two 

Kings ( Burhan Nizamshah and Bahadur ) took place in a 

village near Daulatabad and without the intervention of Shah 

Tahir but by the advice and intervention of Khwaja Ibrahim, 

the Councillor and Sabaji and that these 'two men were rewarded 

for the service which they had performed, the former with the title 

of Latif-Khan and the latter with that of Pratap Rai ; but the 

story told here at length is the correct account, After this 

meeting Burhan If izam Shah returned to his capital and Sultan 

Bahadur returned to Gujarat. ' ' 2 

The author of the Burhan~t~Ma8tr wants to take away the 
credit of bringing about the meeting of the two Kings from 
Sabaji Pratap Rai and his colleague Khwaja Ibrahim Latif Khan 
and to give it to Shah Tahir, the great poet of this period. We 
are not concerned here with the truth or otherwise of this 
statement of the author but with the fact of the existence of a 
Hindu personage of the name Sabaji Pratap Rai during the reign 
of Burhan Nizam Shah ( A. B. 1510-1554 ). I am inclined to 
believe that this Sabaji Pratap Rai is none else than our tfTsnsft 
ifai<4ti! the author of q^mucrre, ^r^srsrfT^rssr and nuVn^ 1 *- 
<?frW, Evidently he carried on the tradition of compiling 
dharmaiastra works in the manner of the author of the 

Vide my paper on BalapatirSya in the Proceedings of Indian Histortf 
( 1933 ) pp. 313-318, 

* Vide p. 184 of Indian Antiquary XL IX ( October 1920 ) History of the 
Ni*3m ShShi King* of Ahmadnagar by Lt. Co. S. _W. Haig. 

Sdb&ji Prat&par&ja 161 

vz. highly favoured by Ahmad Nizam Shah T ( A, D. 

1490-1510) who was the founder of the Ahmad nagar line of 
Nizamshahi Kings. If this position is accepted we may try to 
determine the approximate period during which SabSji composed 
his TCS^wstfN* and ^RE^fnfWTsq 1 etc. 

Sabaji tells us that he was WHirr^rnr-STsj^ or a servant of 
H3TT*r-5nir whom we have identified with Burhan Nizam Shah. 
He also refers to his title sTrTT^RT^ constantly in his works 
as follows : 

( 1 ) Colophon o 


( 2 ) Text of <WfjTrasraFT f^ri^ srarT: " ( = 


* etc. n 

( 3 ) Colophon o 

( B. O. B. I. Ms. No. 157 of Vis I dated A. JD. 1784) 
If sTHmTST was a title of Sabaji it must have been conferred 
on him by his royal patron Burhan Nizam Shah and Jfhe story 
about the award of this title referred to in the Surhan-i-Masir 
may be taken to be correct in so far as the fact of the award 
of this title is concerned. We are not concerned here with the 
nature of the service specifically rendered by Sabaji to his 
master Burhan Nizam Shah. If we believe in the story current 
before the time of Burhan-i-Mcmr that Sabaji got the title 
smmra as a reward for bringing about the meeting of Bahadur 
Shah of Gujarat with Burhan Nizam Shah it is easy for us to 
narrow down the limits for the dates of the q*s*iMm<f and 
for the following reasons : __ 

Vide Mr. V. S. Bendre's article on "Death of Ahmad Xaa* 
Sahri m New Indian Anti^ary, Vol. IV, pp. 242-244. Mr. Bendr. emta 
the relevant sources and concludes "All we can say for the prewat irttb 
any certainty on the strength of the contemporary evidence of 
reliable source as Affonso de Albuquerque, is that the ^ death LOI 
Hizam Shah must have occurred some time between the end of April 
middlt of October 1510 or in the beginning of 916 A. H. ". 

162 Annals of the Shandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( 1 ) Sultan Bahadur Shah of Gujarat ruled for 11 years 
( July 1626 - February 1537 A. D, ) In 1527-29 A. D. he forced 
Burhan Nizam Shah to retreat and acknowledge him as Ms 
Suzerain and read Khutbah in his name. 1 

( 2 ) In 1531 A. D. Bahadur Shah granted to Burhan Nizam 
of A'imadnagar and also to Ms nephew, Muhammad of Khandesli 
permission to affix the title of Shah ( ^IT? ) to their names. 2 

( 3 ) If the title STcnwsr was a result of the meeting of Sultan 
Bahadur Shah of Gujarat with Burhan Nizam it must have been 
conferred on m^rTTr between A. D. 1526 and 1537 A, D,* which 
is the period of Bahadur Shah's reign. 

( 4 ) If the expression f^rni-STIf used by ^(STRfr contains the 
title $H the use of which was permitted for Burhan Nizam by 
his Suzerain in A. D, 1531 we have to suppose that BTsrrm com- 
posed his works after AD. 1531 and before A. D. 1553-54 the 
closing year of Burhan Nizam Shah's reign at Ahmednagar. 

I have identified ^rsTTsfr srffT<m*C with his nance-sake men- 
tioned in the Burhan-i-Masir. This work 'was written by Syed 
AH Tabataba at the bidding of Burhan Nizam Shah II in A. D* 
1591 L e. a few years before Ferishta. According to Prof. H, K. 
Sherwani " greater reliance may be placed on the simple narra- 
tion of the Burhan than on the flowery and interesting, though 
at times inaccurate* and exaggerated, description coached in 
Ferishta's History, " 8 In view of this evaluation of the 
Burfian-i-Masir my identification of WSfFsfr sRTmrst in this 
Persian source of the Nizam Shahl history written in A. D. 1591 
is sufficiently reliable and possesses almost a contemporary 
character. I shall, however, feel thankful to Persian Scholars 
if they succeed in throwing more light on the personality of 
^rnrrsfr smtTOST and his relations with his master Burhan Nizam 
Shah, so much applauded in the verses of the Parasuramapratapa 
quoted by Dr. Sharma in extenso, * The genealogy of ^T^T^fr as 
recorded by him in these verses is as follows : 

1 Vide p. 80 of Hnmayun BadShah by S. K. Banerji, 1938. 

* Ibid. p. 81. 

* Vide pp. 230-232 of Mahntud Q-awan by H. K. Sherwani, 

* PO.VII.p.7. 

Sfib&ji Pratdparaja 163 

( of sn*?*^^^ *fta ) devotee of 
( C. A. D. 1500 ) 

( Between ( ^nRrsft ) 
1525-1560 pupil of 
A.D. ) and devotee of 

My friend Prof. Dasharatha Sharma of Bikaner will be shortly 
publishing the Bhrgu-vamsa Kavya* of Sabaji Prataparaja on 
behalf of the Bikaner Darbar. I hope the chronology of Sabaji 
discussed in this paper would be of some use to him in dealing 
with the life-history of this author, who flourished at Ahmadnagar 
court in the first half of tha 16th century. 

The works of Sabaji on Dharmassastra were used by subse- 
quent writers for their own compilations. I have already referred 
to them as recorded by Aufrecht. During the course of my 
studies I have noticed the following references to Sabaji's works 
not noticed by Aufrecht or Mm. P. V. Kane:- 

(1) c. A. D. 1675 " 

( Vide p. 43 b of Ms, of f^arqT?*n5rr^ composed by Tf 
tf* of Hardi near Rajapur ( A. D. 1650-1725 ). This Ms. is with 
the Rajapur Sanskrit Pathashala Ghate collection. ) 

( a ) C. A. D. 1650-1680 *3?rrsar *rot$r ?r^f^ the friend of 
Saint Ramdas quotes <res*nTsmw in the Znd Pariccheda of his 
( Vide folio 90 of the Ms. of this work in the 

' Prof. Dasharatha Skarma must have already used the Bikaaer Ms of 
this Kavya ( No. 2897 ) deposited in the Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikanar. 
My friend Mr. K. M. K. Barma, the Curator of this Library has kindly Applied 
to me some details of this Ms. The 2nd copy of this Ovya the Calcutta 
R. A. S. B. Ms of A. D, 1611 already referred to in this paper. The Srd copy 
( Sargas 1-7 ) is recorded by Dr. H. Poleman on p. 105 of his Census aj 'Indt a 
Mss in U. S. A. and Canada, 1938 ( Harward No. 1238 }. Prof. 3>. V. Potdar 
of Poona possesses the 4th copy of this poem. He has agreed to keep a 
micro-film copy of his Ms at the disposal of the B*kaner Darbar for the u* 
of Prof. Dasharatha Sharma. 

dnwk of tk Btyndarkf Oriental Research Institute 

collection, B. 0, B, Institute, The quotation is also found in the 
Ms. of this Pariccheda with my friend Rajavaidya S. A, Jagtan 
of Kolhapur, 

In tie beat of controversies over the details of political and 
dynastic history the literary history of the Deccan receives 
scanty attention at the hands of responsible scholars, We have 
yet to reconstruct this literary history on the basis of Mss yet 
unknown to the historians, I have been constantly discovering 
new sources of this history and publishing papers on them for 
the use of future historians of our culture as reflected in the 
provincial sources still untapped. The linking up of literary 
history with political or dynastic history, if successfully 
attempted, is bound to clarify our knowledge of the history of 
our ancestors, who were, not merely soldiers or politicians but 
were persons full of religious zeal coupled with a taste for fine 
arts, like poetry, music and technical sciences like Sllpa Sastra, 
town-planning, dietetics, medicine, cookery etc, By a thorough 
study of the sources, bearing on these subjects the present 
partial picture of our history can be put in correct historical 
relief, which will not fail to create greater interest of the people 
in our past than what we notice to-day in our schools and 



Dr. Ludwik Sternbach, University Krakow, Lwow ( Poland) 
1. Reciprocal Responsibility for Debts Contracted 
by Married People 

It mast be pointed out that the development of woman's 
rights regarding her personal property seems to appear from the 
Smrtis, In Ancient India a woman was a subject which could 
be captured and become the property of the man who captured 
her ( Mn, V 11-96 ), and a wife had no right to possess her own 
property. According to Mn. VIII-416 three persons are said 
to be without property : a wife, a son, and a slave and whatever 
property they acquired was his to whom they belonged. This 
rule, however, is not to be found in the other Dharma&astras, 
Only in Mbh. is this question mentioned in three or four passages, 
but Mn. expressly mentions the stridhana ( that is a woman's 
property which she can freely dispose of ) in the book IX-194 etc. 
(vide Banerjee, The Hindu Law of Marriage and Stridhana, 
Calcutta 1913 ). These two contradictory rules show once more 
that there exist in the Dharmasastras archaic rules of no legal 
value and that with the development of life and culture women 
in Ancient India acquired the right of owing property L e, 
property which her husband had no right to dispose of during 
the marriage. That would be equivalent to the institution of 
separation of the consorts' properties. This principle exists in 
the Dharmasastras, but there probably exists one exception 
which is to be found only in K. ( 152/8 etc. ). According to his 
opinion if the marriage took place in accordance with the 
customs of one of the lawful kinds of marriage the property of the 
woman could be enjoyed by the husband for three years, but if 
the marriage took place according to the Gandharva or the JLmra 
forms of marriage the husband was obliged to return the wife 
property with interest ( K. 152/9 ) and if the marriage was contract- 
ed according to the Raksasa or the Paisaca form of marriage the 
use of this property should be dealt with as theft ( K. 152/10 ). 

3 [ Annals, B* O. R. I. ] 

1 66 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

In other words K. declares if the marriage was concluded accord* 
ing to the Brahma, Prajapaiya, Arsa and Daiva forms of marriage 
the wife did not have the exclusive right to dispose of her property 
but her husband was also entitled to make use of her property for 
the first three years of the marriage. Only when three years of 
marriage had elapsed did the principle of separate property for 
husband and wife come in force. This can be admitted as the 
second stage in the development of the status of property among 
married people. But in the third stage there existed full separa- 
tion of the properties of the consorts as we find it for instance In 
Y M Nar., Kaby. and others. In this case the wife was not obliged 
to pay a debt incurred by her husband and the husband that of his 
wife. This general principle is to be found in Y. ( 11-46 ) as well 
as in Vi. ( VT-31/2 ). An identical point; of view is represented 
in Katy. ( Vivadaratnakara p. 573), quoted by Jha (Mann 
Smrti, Notes ) who points out that the husband had no right to 
take away or to spend a woman's strldhana. Even if he took away 
the strldhana by force he could be made to repay it wifch. interest 
and in addition could even be made to pay a fine. 

As said before K. ( 152/9-10 ) prescribing that if the marriage 

took place according to the Gandharva and the Asura forms of 

marriage, the husband was obliged to return the money with 

interest and in the case of the Raksasa and Paisaca forms of 

marriage should be considered a thief. This distinction in the 

responsiblifcy of the husband for his wife's property in conformity 

with the different forms of marriage seems to be quite justified, 

Firstly because the later Sanskrit sources condemn marriages 

concluded according fco the Raksasa and Paisaca forms of marriage 

and secondly, because marriages concluded according to the 

JRaskasa or Paisaca forms of marriage are based upon capture or 

robbery, consequently, all actions having their source in this 

robbery have also to ba considered as robbery i. e. a crime. That 

is the only source of law which solved this question in such 

an accomplished manner. 

Of the other sources, Devala ( quoted in Vyav. May. ed. by 
J. E. Gharpure, Bombay, 1924. Oh. IV. see 10, 10 ) only mentions 
briefly that " the husband has no right fco enjoy the stridhana. In 
case of improper alienation or appropriation he must repay it to 
the wife with interest ". 

Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law 167 

As in the Roman marriage without; inanus in Ancient India 
the principle of the separation of property is strictly applied in 
the progressive Dharmasastras, This principle is an indication 
O f the highly developed juridical sense of the legislators and 
al^o to the high status of woman in Ancient India. Even 
the Code of Napoleon of 1804, which is at present in force in 
Trance, some parts of Poland and other countries, did not know 
the principle of separate property among husband andwife. 

It is understood that this principle had to be applied only 
if the property of the married people was not separated. If the 
properties of the married people were separated the wife had the 
right to possess and dispose of her own property Le. the stridhana. 
She also had the right to lend money to her husband who was 
obliged to return it with or without interest in conformity with 
the respective agreement, This appears not only from the 
general structure of the stridhana but also a contrarto from Y. 11-52 
which states " that among husband and wife lending has not 
been allowed while the estate is undivided ". The same point of 
view is represented in Kaby. ( Vivadaratnakara p. 573 ) which 
remarks that " if the husband makes use of the stridhana with his 
wife's permission and in a manner agreeable to her he should 

repay it ". 

But the ancient Indian sources of law also recognise certain 
exceptions from the principla of separate property of husband 
and wife. These exceptions can be divided into three categories: 

1. Cases where the obligation of paying the debts exists in- 

dependent of which particular conjugal partner contract- 
ed them, 

2. Cases where the husband has to pay the debts contracted 

by his wife, 

3. Cases where the wife has fco pay the debts contracted by 
her husband, 

ad. i. When the debt is contracted for family purposes:-^ first 
part of the verses 46 Vol. II. Y. * is not to be applied i. a that in 
this case a woman must pay the debts incurred by hei 
or son, a ur 

1 68 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the wife ( *T tnf^rcrnTSSttvsT ST s^w ^et f^crr i 
rfterrf TOTMI) because ^gi^raf ft I*?R: (househod 
are indispensably necessary 1ST. 1-18 ). However, this sentence 
can also be understood as it was explained by Mit. at T. 11-45 
viz. that the words " except when it is contracted for family 
purposes " relate to the last half-verse and the *' head of the family 
should pay the debt incurred for a family purpose " only in thai 
case the meaning of the words " for family purpose " was not 
explained by the commentators. The word kutumba however 
means not only " family " but also " household " , therefore, the 
expression g?^r$T%ar is to be understood as debts contracted for 
the household i. e. for the common housekeeping, hence con- 
jointly responsible debts. The same opinion which is to be 
found in Y. 11-45 is also expressed in N. ( 1-12 ) where we read 
" what has been spent for the household ( kutumba ) by a woman 
(stri) must be paid by the head of the household (kutumba) as 
well as in Vi-VI-38-39 where we read that " a debt which was 
contracted by any person ( kasyacit ) ( which might be the wife ) 
for the benefit of the family ( kutumba ) must be paid by the head 
of the household (kutumbin) !* The same standpoint is also 
represented in Byh. XI-50. 

ad 2. An exception to the principle that each marriage 
partner pays only his or her individual debts exists in the case 
when the husband is obliged to pay the debts contracted by 
his wife. So, according to Katy. the husband should pay a 
debt contracted by his wife if it is contracted for his sake 
when he goes abroad after telling her of his intentions ( Katy- 
578 ). Tor Katy. represents the right point of view that the 
husband leaving his wife with her permission in order to 
transact some important business must consider that the debts 
contracted by his wife are his personal debts. Conditio sine qua 
non> however, is that the debts contracted by the wife must be 
for the sake of the husband and only for such debts is the 
husband responsible to other persons. This is the only exception 
of a real nature, for the other exceptions regarding the husband's 
duty to pay the debts contracted by his wife are more of personal 
kind. In contrast to the cases where the wife pays the debts con- 

Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law 

tracted by her husband there Is no question of some categories 
of debts paid by the husband for his wife but there are oases 
where the debts contracted by the wives of certain persons are 
paid by the husbands. There are the debts of wives : 

a. of a herdsman ( gopa ) i. e. cowherd ( Mlt. ad Y. 11-48, Y* 
II-U'. Vi. VI-37, Brh. VI-53, KI.-19, Katy. 568, 570). 

b. of a vintner ( saundika ) i. e. a liquor-manufacturer ( Mlt ad 
Y. 11-48, Y, 11-48, Vi. VI-37, Brh. XI- 53, N. 1-19, Katy. 568, 
570 ). 

c. of a dancer ( sailusa ) i. e. an actor ( Mit. ad Y. 11-48, Y. II- 
48, Vi. VI-37 ) 

d. of a washerman ( rajaka ) i. e. a dyer of clothes ( Mifc ad II- 
48, Y. 11-48, Vi. VI-S7, Brh. XI-53, N. 1-19, Kafcy-570 ). Katy. 
568 probably uses the word rajika wrongly instead of the word 
janaka ( producer, progenitor ). 

e. of a hunter (vyadha) ( Y. I [-48, Vi, VI-37, Brh. XI-53, N. 
1-19, Katy.-568, 570 ). 

f. of a barber ( napita ) ( Brh. XI -55 ) or the son of a sailor 
navika ( Katy. -5 6 8 ). * 

These rules are explained, sometimes in a different manner, 
in Y., N. f Brh. and Katy. They can be understood in two different 
ways. So the husband had to pay the debts of the women men- 
tioned above either because the debts were contracted in his own 
interest ( Katy. 568, Brh. XV-50 ) L e, in his benefit, or, rather, 
because the husbands are dependent on their wives i. e. on the 
maintenance given by the women mentioned above { Y. 11-48, 
Katy. 570, and identically IT. 1-19 ). 

It is well known that persons like herdsmen, vintner?, 
dancers, washermen were living on the earnings of their wive?, 
therefore, there was no reason to specifically state that these 
persons as husbands were not obliged to pay the debts of their 

* Only Katy. and Brh. mentioned this category of persons. Brh. makes 
use of the word napita and Katy. of the word navika, It seems that th<5 word 
navika was distorted and in both cases the expression napita would D@ 
correct. It appears al<3o from the fact that distorted expressions are v*ry 
often found m Katy. as well as the " barber " belonged to a proup of persons 
"who were not much esteemed ( see below ). 

170 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

wives especially as in any case the wives maintained their 
husbands. In principle it would surely be admitted that if a 
husband was dependent for his maintenance on his wife's earnings, 
then he ought to he liable for any debts incurred by her. ( See 
Mit. ad Y. 11-48 ). Therefore, besides the wives of men engaged 
in fehe occupations quoted above under aO.-f**). there should be 
included also the wives of oilpressers ( see Vlr, ) and the wives of 
men who depend upon the labour of their wives independent of 
their caste and occupation. This covers the wives of actors, 
singers, dancers, rope-dancers, mimic-players, players on 
musical instruments, buffoons, wandering bards, jugglers efcc, 
because they live on their intrigues i. e. they live on the earn* 
ings of their own wives ( E. 129/9, Mn. VIII-162, Earn. 263/22-23 ). 

ad 3. In this case a distinction must be made according to 
whether the debt has its origin in a specific legal action ( A ) or 
whether the distinction is inherent in the nature of the debt ( B), 
ad A. With regard to the debt which originated in a specific 
legal action Y. ( 11-49 ), Katy. ( 546-547 ) and 1ST. ( 1-16 ) are of 
the opinion that the wife was obliged to pay the debt incurred 
by her husband if * 

a. the debt was contracted by herself alone, 

b. the debt was contracted by her jointly with the husband, 

c. the debt was agreed to by her. 

From the legal point of view this rule should be considered 
as superfluous as it follows from the general rules and so as 
far as the debt mentioned ad aO. is concerned the obligation 
has its source in the general structure of the stridhana* A woman 
passessing her own property has the right to dispose of it and to 
undertake obligations which will be payable from her estate, 
This rule results a contrario from the general principle that the 
wife was not liable for the debts of her husband and the husband 
was not liable for the debts of his wife ( Y. 11-46, VL VI-31-32 and 
others ). For this reason N. although aware of the cases men- 
tioned above ad b'.). cO-i does not mention that a wife must pay the 
debts incurred by herself alone. 

Concerning point bO- there is no doubt that a debt; incurred 
by the wife jointly with her husband must be paid by her, For 

Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law 

every obligation can be undertaken conjointly and the words 
<T?*TT err ^rf rc^sr " can also mean a joint liability undertaken by 
the husband and wife together. The obligation conjointly under- 
taken by the husband and wife is also mentioned in N. 1-16, Ksty. 
546 and K. 152/ 7-8. The latter ArthaSastra contains a rule con- 
cerning the wife's obligation to pay the debts incurred by a cou- 
ple " who have brought forth a twin ". The qualification " who 
have brought forth a twin ?? , is rather superfluous, but it is 
possible that this phrase means on the one hand that the wife was 
jointly and separately responsible for her husband's debts con* 
tracted jointly with him and on the other hand that she was 
responsible for her husband's debt if she gave birth to a twin. 
Hence, in the latter case the separation of the properties of the 
married people should not take place. 

The last half verse of Y. 11-49 and Ksty. 546 give us an 
answer to the question as to whether all debts contracted by 
the wife jointly with her husband have to be paid by the wife. 
For the text runs " A woman is not bound to pay any other 
( riamyat ) debt". Probably the correct point of view is repre- 
sented by Mit, ( ad 11-49 ) who is of the opinion that this half verse 
refers to the text quoted above, therefore it has to be interpreted 
as " except any other bad debt, i. e, incurred for spirituous liquor, 
vice or gambling"* Per arialogiam the same could also appear 
from the verse 47. Book II- Y. where we read that "the son should 
not pay any paternal debt which was contracted for the purposes 
of indulging: in spirituous liquor, lust or gambling. " 

As to the point c). which we meet in Y. ( 11-49 ) and N. (1-16 ) 
i,e. the obligation to pay the husband's debt if the debt was agreed 
to by the wife (pratipanna) it must be a debt which was incurred in 
the first instance by the husband but for which the liability was 
subsequently accepted by the wife. From the text the motive 
for accepting the liability is not clear nor is the term of such 
acceptance fixed. Such a rule should be superfluous according 
to the general rules, and Mit. ( ad Y. 11-49 ) affirms that '< a debt 
which was agreed to (pratipanna) on being charged or enjoined by 
the husband who was either dying or proceeding on a journey, 
such a debt of the husband should ba paid. " A better rendering 
of the Mit. would seem to be " that which was agsented to by the 

172 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

wife acting under the wish of her husband who was either in a 
dying condition or about to set out on a journey. " Strictly 
speaking such an interpretation does not appear frOm this rule 
but Mit. is probably correct in using such a wide interpretation. 
Furthermore the rule contained in Y. 11-49 and IT. 1-16 is also 
to be found in the verses 546 and 547, Katy. The points ad 
a), and b). are placed in Katy. v. 546 and the point c). is placed 
in Katy. v. 547 where we read. " A wife who was told by her 
dying husband * you should pay my debts 7 should be made to 
pay ". It is true that Katy. mentions only the circumstance to 
death and not " dying as well as going abroad " but because the 
going abroad of the husband involved almost the same conse- 
quences as his death ( see rules concerning the Law of Marriage) 
Katy/s opinion is probably correct. In any case it is probable 
that the husband gave orders to his wife to take over his liabi- 
lities. That would be justified as material benefits were connect- 
ed with the dying or going abroad of the husband i. e. the wife 
would take over the estate of her husband. Katy., however, 
asserts that the wife even though she does not consent to the 
order must pay these debts if she has the wealth ( of her husband) 
In her possession. Though verse 547 of Katy. is probably an inter- 
pretation of verse 16. vol. I. of JST. and of v. 49. vol. II of Y., never- 
theless this rule is consistent in relation to the type of question 
and can be considered as a legal interpretation of these rules 
contained in N. and Y. 

ad JB+ More interesting, however, are the cases where the 
wife is obliged to pay the husband's debts because of their nature. 

That occurred when the husband used his wife's property " in 
case of distress " ( apad ) according to N. 1-18 as well as Devala 
quoted in Vyav. May. ( ed. by J. B. Gharpure, Bombay, 1924 
Ch. IV see 10, 10. ). The meaning of the word apad " distress " is 
explained only in Y M K. and Katy. ( Vivadaratnakara p. 573 ), 

And so the husband may make use ( grnila ) of the stridhana 
(Y. 11-147): 

1. in case of famine, (durbhiksa) (Y. 11-147 and K. 152/7) which 
means according to Mit. ( ad Y, 11-147 ) " for the maintenance 
and preservation of the family. " 

Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian Law 

2. for duties prescribed in the Dharmas ( dharmakarya ) ( Y. 
11-147 and K 152/7 ) which ( according to Mit. ad Y. 11-147 ) had 
to be performed, or 

3. in case of illness ( vyadhi ) ( Y. 11-147 and K. 152/7 ) or 

4. in the event of being just under restraint ( sampratirodhaka ) 
( Y. 11-147 ) or under restraint (pratirodhaka ) ( E. 152/7 ) which 
means according to Mit. ( ad Y. 11-147 ) *' being under restraint or 
confined in prison or undergoing corporal penalties " ( ident Vir, 
ad Y. 11-147 ) whilst Sulapani explains this sentence as : < what 
was taken by one of a higher varria causing obstruction for meals 
etc/' ( ad Y. 11-147), or 

5. in case of need of safety measures ( pratlJcara ) ( K. 152/7 ) or 

6. in case of being harassed by creditors ( Kafcy. Vivada- 
ratnakara p, 573 ). 

Y. and K. and to some degree also Katy. quoted in VivSda- 
ratnakara give an excellent explanation of the word " apad" 
and the respective passage has to be understood in the light of 
this interpretation because all the cases mentioned above indicate 
a difficult situation for the husband, who, for want of adequate 
property of his own, is compelled to make use of his wife's 

The Smrtis do not mention whether the husband was obliged 
in these cases to inform his wife of the use of her property or not 
but it can be assumed that in certain cases such information was 
not given, as for example in the event of famine, but the wife was 
probably obliged to give her property to her husband if he was 
in prison. 

The right rule mentioned above indicates the highly developed 
legislative capabilities of the author or authors of the respective 
Smrtis and is relevant to certain additional duties of the wife 
towards her husband. In other words, if the husband had no 
estate of his own the wife was obliged to maintain her hudband out of 
her own property. 

In the rule mentioned above one can see a connection with 

the rules contained in different Smrtis according: to which " a 

debt incurred by the head of the family when unable to maintain 

the family or when suffering from a disease, and for the purpose 

4 [ Annals, B. O. K* I. ] 

Awls of Ik EkAfkf Onto! JMi Irt'tofe 


of meeting a calamity ( such a debt is known as Spoftria that k 

VJp V ^*^ w i w t **( in 

incurred in distress), or a debt incurred for the expenses of a 
daughter's marriage, or for meeting funeral expenses -all such 
debts, when, incurred by the head of the family, must be paii tj 
the family n ( Katy, 51H Mn, VIII 166, H, I-1J, Vi VHi \ 

As the above mentioned rules are equivalent to each other in 
principle I am per mlogm of the opinion that debts incurred 
for the expenses of a daughter or funeral expenses etc, also belong 
to those obligations which the wife has to pay from her CM 



G- 0. BASTJ, 

Dacca University 

We know that in Middle Indo-Aryan a medial conjunct 
cannot contain more than two consonants, and these must be 
only ( 1 ) doubled, ( 2 ) mute after nasal of the same class or ( 3 ) 
aspirated nasal ( or Ih ). Of these three kinds of conjuncts the 
l( doubled " sound is sometimes further simplified to a single 
sound with a compensatory lengthening of the preceding 
vowel' e. g. Sad-f- JIva > Sajjlva > Sajlva; Valkala> Vakkala 
>Yakala. But there is also a change which is midway between 
the doubled sound and its reduction to a single sound with 
change of vowel quantity. This is development of an " un* 
organic" anusvara in place of one of the consonants in conjunct, 
the vowel remaining short as before*- e. g. piccha > pinja ; 
Sarvarl > Samvarl. 

This process, which has come into operation very extensively 
in the modern Indian Vernaculars, has bean called by Prof. 
Turner " Spontaneous Nasalization 'V Grierson 8 informs us 
that this nasalization occurs in Hindi, Guzrati, Marathi and 
in all other modern Indo-Aryan languages except those of 
the extreme northwest. That Bengali abounds in such nasali- 
zation is well known to the speakers of that language. Prof* 
S, K. Chatterji, in his " Origin and Development of the Bengali 
Language", has given a long list of such words. 3 " This nasali- 
zation is much more common than we should gather from the 
study of the literary dialect alone. It is very frequently met 
with in rural dialects". 4 

The phenomenon, though extensively met with in the modern 
languages of India, are not of frequent occurrence in Middle 
Indo-Aryan. The Prakrt grammarians take notice of this 
development of nasal before consonant, and name the set of 
words as " Vakradi " or " A&avadi " gana. The sufcra of Vara- 

1 JEAS 192X, p. 344. 

2 JEAS 1922, p. 381. 

8 ODBL Vol. I, p. 368. 
4 JEAS 1922, p* 383. 

ij6 Annals of the Bkandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

ruci is " Vakradisu " - ( 4/15 ). The commentary says, "Vakrt- 
disu Sabdesu vindur-agamo bhavati". The list of words is too 
well known to be given here. In his Prakrt Grammar, Hema- 
candra gives the sutra as " Vakradavantah " ( 8-1-26 X The 
commentator writes, "Vakradisu. yathadarsanam prathamadei 
svarasya anta agamaruponusvaro bhavati." Vararuci is the 
oldest known Prakrt grammarian, and his time may be taken 
to be not later than the 4fch century A. D. The statements made 
by grammarians are corroborated by tha evidence of the Pali 
and Prakrt languages themselves, as in both the languages a 
fair number of examples showing the so-called " Spontaneous 
nasalization 7 ' is met with- TKe number here is very insigni- 
ficant when compared with the modern vernaculars, still it ig 
sufficient to prove that the phonetic " law " of the Vernacular 
had its beginning in the phonetic " tendency " in the early stage 
of Middle Indo- Aryan. ( 1 ) Pali 3 : - ganchati for gacchati ; 
mankula for matkuna, pinja for piccha ; samvarl for Sarvarl ; 
nantaka for nakiaka ; ( 2 ) Prakrt 2 :- damsana for dar&ana ; amsu 
for asru ; suinka for Sulka : vamka for vakra ; mimja for majja 

The facts that' the Prakrt grammarians take notice of fhis 
phenomenon and that a fair number of words in the languages 
themselves exhibit such a change presuppose a tendency which 
may well be taken to begin in some earlier period, i. e, in the 
"Early" stage of Middle Indo-Aryan. The inscriptions of 
ASoka are known to be the earliest record of MIA, and very 
fortunately they are records whose dates have been ascertained 
definitely ; and as they are inscribed in rocks they have come 
down to us immune from the changes often made by scribes in 
manuscripts. In the ASokan inscriptions 5 the following examples 
of nasalization are met with* 

( 1 ) Mr > xpb - tambapannl. This change may be explained 
thus - mr > bx > mbb > mb. Of. Pali amba for amra and 
tamba for tamra, 

( 2 ) Tr > mt - palamtikya for paratrika. 
( 3 ) SI > ms - nimsi ( dha ) ya for* nislistaka. 

1 Pah Grammar B. Muller p. 22. 

3 Grammatik, PiacheJ, art, 74. 

* Asoka Inscriptions, HultzBoh - Introduction. 

Nasalisation in Middle Indo-Aryan 177 

( 4 ) M coming in before short vowel - mahimsa for mahisa ? 
susumsa for su&rusa ; visvanasayitabe infinitive of 

The above examples show that even in the earliest record of the 
MIA the development of nasal before a consonant which was in 
conjunct with another or between a short vowel and single con- 
sonant is not altogether wanting. 

It is a known fact that the Vedic language and Sanskrit ( a 
language phonetically identical with the former ) do not contain 
much of this nasal infix or substitute except in some declensional 
forms and in the intensive verbal forms ; ( 1 ) Declension- 
havimsi, dhanumsi, payamsi etc. ( 2 ) intensive forms of verbs- 
jan-galyate. jamjapyate, cancuryate, pamphalyate. The nasali- 
zation in the former part of the reduplicated form may be ex- 
plained as a case of dissimilation, yet the fact that the change 
of the consonant of the root to nothing else but a nasal is 


Such words as Kantaka from *Kartaka, pumsa from *pursa, 
mania frommrj, vamk(ima) from vakra, ganjana from garjana, 
.IHLchana from laksana, pufikha from paksa might be regarded 
as good examples of nasalizatian in Sanskrit, but these may have 
had come from the spoken local vernaculars to the literary 
language at some later period. It may be argued, on the other 
hand, that as these words are fairly old, because some of them 
( e. g. pumsa. manja, vanku ) are met with in the Vedic language, 
they may, for all practical purposes, be regarded as OIA. words, 
and therefore they are good examples of nasalization m some 
very early stage of Indo-Aryan. 

The Iranian branch of the Aryan is not without instances of 
this nasalization in the middle of a word. The following exa-> 
mples are from the Avestan : > Catanro for skt. catasra ; anhaf 
for skt. asat ; vanho for skt. vasyas ; aojanghrat for skt ojasranfc 

Brugmann, in his Comparative Grammar 8 , gives the following 
as "the substitution of a nasal for a liquid by dis^milafeioji m 
the various IdQ. dialects. IA. bambhara - bee ; camcuryate < 
old~Yedic ca? - can - cala < V car or^ calG^^ 


Avesta Grammar - Jackson; G. Ir. PM1- Geiger & da. 
Comparative Grammar of Indo-Germamc Languages. Vol. I. pp. 

178 Annals of the JBhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Lat gin-grio; Italic - cancer 5 "This substitution of nasaP t 
according to Brugmann, " might have had its beginning in the 
primitive Indo-Germanic period." 

Verbal roots taking nasal infix may be cited as examples of 
nasalization. But we are not quite sure on this point, for the 
nasal may be taken as one of the many verbal infixes. The case of 
nasal infix is, however, included within the general phenomenon 
of nasalization for reason to be explained hereafter 5 Examples: 1 
IdG\f. leiq-Skt. rincaati, AV. irinaxti, Lat. linquo ; IdG.Vbheid- 
Skfc. *bhindati ( Pkt. bhindadi ), Lat. findo. - ( Class XV ). IdGKV 
peik - Skt. *pimati ( Pkt. plsa ), Lat pinqo. IdG. V quert - Skt 
krntati, Lith, Krintu. (Class XVI). The nasalization meb with 
in the modern Indian Vernacular is not, therefore, altogether 
unknown in MIA, OIA, Iranian, in the western sister languages 
and even in the original Indo-Grinanic tongue. " Dest words 
seem to have a special preference for alternative forms with 
the intrusive anusvara or nasal ", 2 but it seems that this 
tendency was inherited by MIA from the Primary Prakrt ( old 
Indo- Aryan ) dialects. As this nasalization is also met with in 
the Iranian it may be safely assumed that in the "Aryan*' 
language it was not totally absent, and the evidence of the 
western sister dialects proves beyond doubt that the nasalization 
was as early as the original IdG. language. The tendency had 
its origin in the mother tongue, and it gradually extended itself 
specially in the Indo-Aryan so that in the New Indo-Aryan it 
has become almost a phonetic " law ". 

Before proceeding to trace the tendency in the Indo-Germanic 
we shall, first of all, give the various examples of the phenomenon 
in MIA. in a classified manner, and try to discover the general 
principles underlying the changes. 

The illustrations given by Pischel in his Grammatik 3 are the 
following ** 

(1) S-l-Y - namasyati > namarhsai, Vayasya > Vaamsa. 

(2) S-f-V - aSva > amsa, asvattha > amsotha, 

1 Comparative Grammar - Brugmann, Vol. IV, p. 162f. 

* OBBL.VOLI.P. 368. 

2 Arts, 74, 86. 

Nasalisation in Middle Indo- Aryan I7 o 

(3) R + explosive or spirant; or h - Karkota > karhkola, 
darana > darhsana, barhin > bamhina, sparsa>phamsa, 
( 4 ) Explosive or spirant -*- r - asru > amsu, vakra > vainka, 
( 5 ) L + explosive - sulka >sumka - ga ( H, C. ). jalpa > 


(6) Semivowel + semivowel - sarvarl > samvarl. 
( 7 ) ( a ) spirant 4- explosive. 

( i ) sk - saskuli > saznkuli $ 
( ii ) Sc vrscika > vimchua, 
(iii) St, st - grsti > giipthi, vitasti > vitamsa. 
( b ) explosive + spirant. 

(i) ks - plaksa > pilmkhu, paksi > painkhi ; 
(ii) ts - vicikitsita > vitigimchiya ; 
(iii) ps - jugupsa > dugamcha ; 

(c) affricate 4- affricate. 

(i) cch - guceka > gumoha ; agacchi > aganchi ; 
(ii) 33 " majj > mimja. 

(d) explosive + explosive. 

(i) tk, kt - mtkuna > mamktma, naktaka > namtaka. 
(8) (a) Spirant 4- nasal - 
sm asmi > amsi, 
(b) explosive 4" nasal - 

dim - budhna > buindha. 

Of the above examples No. 8 need not be considered here as 
there are nasals in the original word and therefore the nasaliza- 
tion in MIA words is not spontaneous. Taking all the other 
cases together we may say that in case of nasalization either a 
sibilant spirant or a semivowel or both occur in the combintion 
in the original word. ( In No- 7 ( c ) the conjuct contains two 
affricates, it has, therefore, a spirant element in it. No, 7 ( d } 
explosive -f explosive ( to be discussed later ) may be taken as 
later development as the number of cases in it is meagre ). 

What this semivowel or spirant had to do with nasalization 
we cannot exactly say, but this much is certain that in all the 
earlier stages of Aryan or IdG. dialects the nasalization is con- 
nected with either a semivowel or a sibitant spirant. The for- 
mulae may be laid down as follows * 

i 80 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( 1 ) Spjrant and semivowel, Nos. 1 ? 2, 3, 4. 
( 2 ) Explosive and semivowel, Nos. 3, 4, 5. 
( 3 ) Semivowel and semivowel, No. 6. 
( 4 ) Spirant and explosive, No. 7. 

Let the truth of the statement made above be examined in 
detail with examples from all stages of development of the IdQ 
language, and if all of them show that nasalization is connected 
with semivowel or spirant, our hypothesis that the nasalization 
in the Indian languages is a very early phenomenon, and it can 
through some OIA dialects and Iranian, be traced even to Indo- 
Germanio is proved beyond doubt. 

First, coming to the dialects' of the original tongue we find 
the following cases of nasalization :- 

{ 1 )* Skt bambhara, can-curyate < *car~curyate - canoala 
V car or V cal ; pam-phalyate etc. Gk. yxyyxXtz from* yxX-yo^za 
beside ypy\tz<*) ( yy in Greek being equal to ng ) 5 Lat. gin-grio, 
Italic-cancer Z. car-cro. Skt. Kar-kata. 

( 2 ) The following IdG. roots take a nasal infix : 2 
Class XV -V" leiq- Skt. rinaktl, rincmas, rincanti = Av, 
irinaxti; Lat. lingua V bheid - Skt bhindati ( Pkt, bhindadi ), Lat. 
findo.N/" peis - Skt. pinasti, *pimsanti, apimsat, Lat. pinso. J ? e rg- 
vrnajmi, vriikte, Ar.A/" marc - Av. merenk-c. 
Class XVI. 

VLeip - Skt. limpati, Lith linpu ; 
^JeHg Skt. yunjati, Lat. jungo ; 
also Skt. bhuajafci, Av. bunjaiti, Lat. fungor etc. 
eWq - Skt. muncati - Lat emungo ; 
^p - Skt lumpati, - Lat rumpo ; 
e^p - g - Skt. luncati - Lith. runku ; 
Vpeik - Skt * pimsati - Lat pinqo ; 
eid - Skt vindati Olr. ro-finnadar ; 

eiq, Vseig - Skt sincati, Av. hincaiti, Lett siku for *sinku ; 
Vterp - Skt. farm pat! ; 
-/qerfc - Skt. krntati, Lith. krintu ; 
- Skt rnjati, Lith. renszti ; 

Brugmann. Vol. I, ppTsisTglS, 236^ 
Brugmana, Vol. IV, p. I62f. 

Nasalisation in Middle Indo-Hryan 181 

Of the two sets of examples given above, No* I needs but little 
discussion, One finds at a glance that the sounds replaced by 
nasals are only semi-vowels r and 1. In No, 2 we see that the 
vowel e 4- its coefficients =ea, eu, er ( also re ) are weakened to 
the extreme vowels i, u, r, and as a sort of compensation a nasal 
m or n, ( weak forms of em and en ) are inserted, i. e* ei, ew er 
( re ) > *, u 9 r + m ( m ) or n ( n, n ). 

This we may call compensatory nasalization. This nasal 
infix, as we see from the above examples from the different 
classical dialects, may be taken to be as old as the Indo-Gerrnanic 
period. Had it not been so, we would not have met with this 
phenomenon in more than one older dialects. To argue that this 
tendency is an independent development in the various dialects 
is far from convincing. 

Sometimes the vocalisms r etc. are of the strong grade, I. e. ra 
etc., e.g, Srambhate ( in place of Srmbhate ) but this has been 
described by Brugmann 1 as new formations. The vowel -* occurr- 
ing in the present stem of some roots may be explained as a 
simple vowel. There is no doubt, therefore, that the nssal in the 
examples given above was originally a sort of compensatory one. 
Question may be raised whether the nasals in this case are to b& 
treated as merely verbal suffixes or themes purely external, 
or as a sound developed internally owing to some phonetic 
tendency. Of the thirtytwo classes of verbs given by Brugmann, 
numbers twelve to eighteen are roots taking nasals. About 
classes XV and XVI Brugmann says, 2 " Most obscure of all has 
hitherto remained the " nasal infix ", the nasal element and its 
relation to the nasal suffixes In the other classes, ?? He gives his 
own explanation and those of Psrsson and Osthoff which suggest 
that the nasal is an external suffix come here from other classes 
by contamination or analogy. These explanations are quite 
plausible, yet we suggest here another explanation from our 
point of view. Of the classes of verbs from No. XII to XVill 
it will be found that in all the classes except Nos. XV ana AVX 
he nasal comes after theroot element as a suffix, while in these 

1 Brugmann. IV, p. 165. 
9 Ibid. IV. pp. 139f. 

5 [ Annals, B. O. R. I. 1 

1 82 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

two classes it is an infix \ moreover in no other class the vocalic 
elements in the body of the root are vowel -*- semivowel coefficient 
As we have hinted before and shall prove clearly later on, that 
one of the sources of nasal development is contraction of sounds 
( assimilation, elision, eg. asru>asru>amsu ; reduction of vowel 
quantity- susuihsa>urusa ) the nasal infix here can also be 
explained as a nasal " compensating the contraction of sounds". 
eg. terp>tr~m-pati, er>r and m comes in. This phonetic explana- 
tion cannot be altogether ignored, and for this reason we include 
verbal classes Kos. XV, XVI, as illustrations of nasalisation 
which is merely phonetic. 

( 3 ) Again Brugmann, in his Kurze Gramnatik * gives an 
account of the interchange between the semivowels in the 
different dialects of Indo-Germanic. He mentions the following 
substitutions : 

(a) l-n(n-l) in place of n -n 

(b) 1-m ... ... n-m 

(c ) n-r ... ..* r -r 

(d) n-l 1-1 

( e ) 1 - m ... *.. n m 

(f) 1-r, ... ... r-r 

(g) r-1, .*. ... r-r, 
(h) 1-r, 1-1 

Of thefee changes $Tos. ( c ) and ( d ) deserve our special atten- 
tion. In these two cases we find that when r or 1 is repeated 
in two syllables of a word, r or 1 is replaced by a nasal through 
dissimilation. The above case is similar to the case cited as 
No. 1, the only difference being that here the liquids, semivowels 
and nasals are inter-vocal. Here we are not much concerned 
with intervocal sounds and therefore refrain from dealing with this 
point in detail and giving examples exhaustively. On the whole 
the fact we gather here is that the semivowels r, l % m, n were 
interchangeable in the IdG period, and in the Aryan stage the 
change "nasal for liquid" continued, but the opposite ose, 
i e. " liquid for nasal " most probably dropped. 

Nasalisation m Middle lndo- Aryan 183 

From all these we may, therefore, conclude that the develop- 
ment of nasal in connection with a semivowel ( liquid or other- 
wise ) is probably pre-Aryan, and may have been as old as the 
original Indo-Grermanic. 

In the Iranian language the following cases of nasalization 
are met with: l 

(a) Ir. h > Av. n, nh, ng, before r. 

Av. catanro = Skt catasra, 

Av. hazanhrem = Skt. sahasra, 

Av. dangra = Skt dasra. 
( b ) Ir. h > Av, nh, inh> ngh before y. 

Av. vanho = Skt. vasyas. 

Av. ainha = Skt asya, 

Av. dainheus = Skt dasyu. 
( c ) Ir. h > Av. nh, nah, ngh 5 before v. 

Av. vanhus = Skt. vasu, 

Av. vanuhim, = Skt vasvlm, 

Av. aojortghvant = Skt ojasvant. 
( d ) Ir h > Av nh, nnh, ngh between a-rowels ( rarely 

other vowels ). 

Av. anhat = Skt asafc, 

Av. venghat = Skt vasat, 
Av. vennhaitl = Skt vasat, 
Av. nemanhe = Skt namase, 
Av. anhu = Skt asu, 
Av. mananha = Skt manasa, 
Av. vahyanhe = Skt Vasyase. 

As Iranian A=IdGk s. = Indo- Aryan s, we get the following 
from the examples mentioned * 

(a) IdG. s ( followed by r )=IA. s ( r ) = Av. ng(r ), nh ( r ), 

b) y)= s(y) = Av. ngh(y),nh(y), 

( ) v)= s(v) = Av. ngh(v),nh(v), 

( d ) B ( between vowels )= s ( with vowels)=Av. ngb t nh. 
From the above equations we get that of the two branches of 
Aryan, the Indo- Aryan saiet 

Avesta Grammar - Jackson. P. f ; G. Ir. Phil. p. I66f. 
Avestisck Eiementar Buch - Reichelt. p. 

184 Annals oj the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

literary Vedic dialect, the combinations ( a ) sibilant + semi- 
vowel, and (b ) sibilant between two a-vowels remain unchanged, 
but in the Iranian branch, as represented by the Aveatan dialect, 
the sibilant is changed into a "ft", and a nasal (n)with or 
without a gutteral ~g is developed before it. This change was 
unknown in standard Vedic dialect, but we shall not probably be 
mistaken if we assume that in some other Old Indo-Aryaa 
dialects the case was not so. The spoken vernaculars of some 
regions must have had developed a nasal element before sibilant- 
spirant and semivowels (including /, absent in Avestan), some- 
times only the former i. e. the sibilant occurring in a word, 
sometimes only the latter i. e. the semivowel, and again, in 
some cases, both occurring simultaneously. This conjecture 
seems to be corroborated by the evidence of the Avestan 
on the one hand and that of the Middle Indo-Aryan on the 
other. If the formulae deduced in the cases of Middle Indo- Aryan 
and Avestan are compared the first one of the former seems to 
tally with the first three of the latter. Even the fourth formula 
of Avesta i. e. " nasalization between vowels " was not altogether 
unknown in MIA. In the different stages of MIA ' ( including 
the early Inscriptional period) we meet with changes like 
raahimsa<maliisa, susumsa<&usrusa, dandha<drdha, nanga< 
naga, simgala<srgala etc. This form may owe its origin to 
vowel-quantity, but the same explanation may hold good also in 
the case of Avestan. So, out of the four formulae regarding 
MIA we may trace at least two to early Iranian. In the common 
formulae there is only one paint of difference which maybe 
taken notice of. It is in Avestan that the developed element is^a 
class-nasal with or without its corresponding sonant, while in 
Indo- Aryan it is an anusvara. This fact is not very difficult to 
explain, as the anusvara came into use in the Aryan before 
sibilants and h, and according to the Pratissakhyas it resembled 
the class-nasal in having a specific quantity. 2 

The fact that there are some common features in point of 
nasal development in MIA and Avestan is of primary impor- 
tance to us. We have already said that in the Iranian, the combi 
nation, sibilant ( >h ) and semivowel, and intervooal sibilant 

* Asoka Inscriptions - Hultzaoh, Intro.; Pali Grammar - E* Mullet, p 

* Tait. Prat. Ed* Whitney, p. 8, 

Nasalisation in Middle Indo- Aryan 185 


developed a nasal, and this tendency was inherited by MIA from 
ome OIA spoken dialect akin to Iranian in this point of change. 
To the question, why this sibilant ( > h) developed a nasal 
before it, the answer s seems to be that originally the ordinary 
semivowels r, y, v tended to be converted to the nasal semi- 
vowels ; in the Aryan period the nasal developed ; but the semi- 
vowels themselves persisted in the words, and in the later period 
of Indo-Aryan ( of course long before the actual MIA period 
began ) the semivowels began to drop out. The parallel of such 
process is found in the Vedic itself 5 

early OIA sarva > later OIA sarvva > Pkt, savva 

Do. dyuti > Do. jyoti > Do. jutl 

Here the semivowels first develop a sound-change and then 
drop out. 
Thus we ha vet Ar. Sr > Ir. hr > Av. nhr > nr : 

Ar. Sr > I A. sr > ms, 

The changes of sy and si; exhibit a more interesting point in 
support of our theory. For sv one of the changes is by nuh t which 
in manuscripts is shown as nh. In sy sometimes-y remains, 
( only when there is no nasalization ), as, sy > liy> but in the case 
of nasal development y vanishes either { a ) leaving an epen- 
thesis ( ink ) or ( b ) with a following "a" becoming V ( inhe ) 
or ( c ) without leaving an epenthesis ( nh ). Thus the complete 
elision of the semivowel element after nasalization as found in 
MIA is not altogether absent in Iranian. At any rate, we find 
both the modification and the elision of the semivowel in a very 
early period of Aryan. The formula may be put thus :- 

1 (1) Ir. Bhr;Bhy,?uh, 
i nh ; inh, iBhe, ?fa. 

!(2) OIA. ( dialects other 
Aryan s 4- semivowels r, v, y r than y e ai o ) 


In our opinion the nasalisations in cases of sibilant *nd semi- 
vowel were the earliest. There occurred something like quantita- 
tive compensation. Then came the case of a " nasal ho 
before s > A between vowels which also took place for the same 

1 86 Annals of the jBhattdarkar Oriental Research Institute 

reason* The formula for the latter case would be : Aryan, asa 
( or other vowel) > Ir. anha ( or other vowel ) ; Aryan, asa (or 
other vowel ) > OIA. ( dialect )* amsa > MIA. amsa ( in case of 
IA. both the vowels may be other than a ). 

As the nasal development in standard Vedic ( and therefore 
in Sanskrit ) is rare, it has not been discussed separately before 
Here a psssing mention may be made in corroboration of our 
theory. The cases of nasalization in OIA and Skt, as cited before, 
supply us with facts which tend towards the conclusion already 
made. Though there are cases of dissimilation yet the name of 
the suffix " yan '* itself shows that a semivowel element ( y ) 
in the latter syllable gives rise to a nasal in the former one by 
way of dissimilation, The second set consists of the declensional 
forms of words ending in as, is, us - payamsi, havlmsi, dhanumsi. 
A third set, not mentioned before, deserves notice : tujyate > 
tunjate; drhyati > drmhati etc ; there is even a form like sobhate- 
sumbbatt These three sets of change positively tally with the 
changes mentioned with regard to Avestan. From set nos. 1 and 
3, we gather that just like Avestan the semivowel ( y ) gives rise to 
a nasal, and No. 2, similarly, is wholly identical with the fourth 
formula regarding Avesta, viz., that intervocal sibilant develops a 
nasal before it. Thus we find that though the cases of nasalization 
are very meagre in standard Vedic and Sanskrit, yet the little we 
have of this phonetic phenomenan does corroborate beyond doubt 
what we conclude from a study of Avestan and MIA. 

When this nasalization in connection with sibilant and 
semivowel became established in Indo-Aryan it extended to 
combinations like " explosive and semivowel ", " explosive and 
sibilant" etc. Regard ing this explosive one point is worth noticing. 
It is a wellknown fact that the intervocal explosives in MIA. 
became spirant before complete elision. So in the early stage 
of MIA explosives may be treated as spirants. The nasal develop- 
ment in connection with sibilant spirants might have had been 
very easily contaminated to the ordinary spirants arising from 
original explosives. This fact also goes In favour of our previous 

Below are given in a tabular form the results of our investi- 

Nasalisation in Middle Indo-Aryan 



OIA. & Skt. 


MIA ( a ) 
( early stage ) 


( 1 ) y 9 r : in conjunct 
with consonant of the 
next syllable changed 
to nasal owing to y 9 
r in the next syllable 
( 2 ) nasal in place of 
r, I ( intervocal ) 
when contained also 
by the next syllable. 

(1) nasal in first sylla- 
ble due to semivowel 
in next syllable in in- 

tesnive forms of verbs 

( 2 ) nasal in some 
alternative verbal 
forms due to a follow- 
ing semivowel. 

( 1 ) nasal before s>h 
followed by semi- 
vowels y, v 9 r, (lead- 
ing to dissimilation ). 

Nasal in conjuncts 
due to semivowels 
r, I, ( v ). 



1 ) nasal due to contrac- 
tion of vowel and its 
coefficient ( &, eu 3 er etc.) 
in verbal forms. 

ISTasal before intervocal 
sibilant (5) in declension. 

Nasal before intervocal 
s > h. 

Nasal before Intervocal 
sibilant due to shorten- 
ing of preceding long 

Nasal before intervocal 
consonant due to shorten- 
ing of preceding long 

Nasal in conjuncts 

MIA ( b ) due to combinations 

second stage like sibilant spirant 

and semivowel, explo* 

sive ( > spirant ) and 


and semivowel etc. 

If the various cases of nasalization in the different languages 
is compared it will be found tbat they have always a connection 
with a semivowel or a sibilant spirant or both. These may 
again be divided into two main classes, viz, dissimilative ana 
compensatory. By dissimilative we mean the oommg ot ft 

1 88 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

nasal in place of another consonant sound already existing in 
the word, and by compensatory the insertion of a nasal before an 
intervocal consonant, the preceding vowel being reduced b 
quantity to a short one, or the development of a nasal after ths 
contraction of vowel 4- coefficient ( ei, eu, etc. ) to an 'extreme 

Now we are in a position to say that the case of nasalization 
which is so extensive a phenomenon in the various modern 
Indo- Aryan vernaculars may be taken to date back not only to 
the earliest available phase of MIA, as stated by Grierson but is 
also traceable in the Iranian language and even to the later 
phase of the original Indo-Germanic parent speech. It may be 
argued that the phenomenon in question as found in the various 
western dialects of Indo-Germanic, Avestan and MIA, developed 
independently in the various dialects, and can in no way be 
connected as one uninterrupted line of phonetic change, but the 
fact that in all the stages of the different IdG. languages the 
nasal development is always connected with semivowel or 
sibilant u in conjunct with consonants " or " single and inter- 
vocal " in some form or other leads to an opposite conclusion, 
The similarity between MIA and Avestan at least is more than 
an accident. Here a question may arise that if the nasal of MIA 
is to be traced to Iranian we must have had abundant examples 
of it in Sanskrit and old Indo- Aryan. If this tendency would be 
sufficiently met with in OIA it would help us very substantially 
towards our line of argumentation, but the fact that though 
meagre yet the cases of nasalization are not totally absent in the 
language. Even if OTA does not render much help in the matter 
our hypothesis does not fall to the ground, for, we are not bound 
to assume that the various MIA dialects must have sprung from 
the standard Vedic dialect. There were a number of dialects of 
the spoken OIA, and some of them might have had acquired this 
tendency of nasalization in common with the dialect of the 
Avesta from the original Aryan stage. That Aryan had this 
tendency cannot be denied after what has been shown in the table 
given above. There is another question worth discussing. It 
may also be argued that if the nasalization of MIA is to be traced 

Nasalisation in Middle Indo-Aryan 189 

to Aryan through A. vesta, sure examples of this phenomenon are 
to be found out in the Dardic. It has been stated at the outset that 
this nasal is totally absent in the northwestern vernaculars which 
are believed to represent the ancient Dardic. But this fact also 
does not disprove our point-, for, the Dardic, like the standard 
Vedic, might have been a branch of the Aryan which avoided the 
tendency of nasalization. We therefore assume that the Aryan 
had two branches of dialects in respect of nasalization-one adopt- 
ing it, another avoiding it. Some OIA dialects ( represented by 
the various Prakrts in the MIA stage ) and Avesta belonged to 
the former group, and the vedic dialect imbibed it as a tendency 
in some subsequent period. 

Some would like to trace the origin of the phenomenon in the 
Dravidian or the aboriginal languages ; i. e. to call it " de&! " in 
origin. The del words might have had helped to increase the 
tendency, but if we are able discover some general principle 
underlying it and trace the same to the very early stages of the 
language there is no reason why it should not be called Indo- 
Germanic in origin. 

To sum up ' 

( 1 ) The nasal development is found in Middle Indo-Aryan 
language ( both second and early ), and has been discussed by 
Prakrt grammarians. It occurs in Sanskrit and Old Indo-Aryan 
in a few number of cases. In Iranian it is met with in some 
particular series of words. In the early dialects of IdG. it is not 
altogether wanting. 

( 2 ) The nasalization is either dissimilative or compensatory. 

( 3 ) It occurs either in conjunct or intervocally. 

( 4 ) It develops invariably in connection with semivowel or 
sibilant or both. 

The nasalization, therefore, originated in the later period of 
Indo-Germanic and it was inherited by some dialects of Aryan, 
e.g. Avestan and some Indo-Aryan dialects other than the 
standard Vedic. The Prakrts ( i. e. the languages of the Middle 
Indo-Aryan period ) which sprang from these latter dialects, 
inherited this tendency which grew more and more in course of 
time so that in the later period the nasalization occurred even 

6 [ Annals, B* O. B. I. ] 

ijo iwwfc tf fa BWwiw Oriental Imnl kt 

where the semivowels and spirant sounds were not 
Thus our conclusion is that the development of nasal either in 
connection with" conjunct "or "inter vocal" consonant in Ufa 


languages is not due to an influence from tnftouf, but ii a 
phenomenon originating withn the IdG, language itself, 

About nomenclature we may say that to the cases in rtoh 
there was originally no nasal element the general name " Sponta- 
neous nasalization " may be given ; this "Spontaneous mA- 
fa " from the point of view of phonetic explanation may be 
looked at from two points of view, namely, the processes w Di 




A. P. Karmarkar 

The Indus Valley discoveries have really thrown light on the 
origins of the various aspects of Indian culture. In fact, they 
have thrown light on the origin of Polity, Astronomy, Economic 
and Socio-religious institutions, Philosophy and other allied 
topics. Among the many topics that have struck me most, is the 
one of the Fish, which at once happens to be the Lanchana of 
the most glorious dynasty of the MInas, and also acts as one of 
the religious symbols of the Mohenjo Darians. It formed one of 
the eight forms of Siva - it being one of the eight constellations 
of the Mohenjo Daro zodiac. Best of all the story of Manu's 
Flood throws a direct light on the age of the Atharvaveda and 
the close of the Indus Valley civilization. The Fish also played 
a prominent rdle in the socio-religious life of the Hindus dur- 
ing the later period. However, before proceeding with the 
problem of the age of the Atharvaveda we shall enter into the 
other details of the Fish. 

The Fish in the Indus Valley Period 

During the Mohenjo Daro period the most popular of all the 
forms of God was the fish. Various inscriptions refer to this : 

i " The Supreme Being of the Fish God ( is ) in front f . 

ii "The two fishes who are in the house of the very great 
Ram are ( forms ) of God who is outside (beyond ) the 

country ". * 

In the opinion of Father Heras the Fish formed one of the 
eight constellations of the Mohenjo^Daro zodiac. 

1 Marshall, M. P., No. 214. 

2 A. S. I. Report, 1938-29, PL xxviii, No. g. 

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Instttuu 

interesting to note, that, one of the inscriptions refers to the 
Supreme Being of the Ram and the Fish of Nandur 1 thus show- 
ing that the God of Nandur was a combination of the Ram and 
the Fish. The representation on the above seal also elucidates 
this : an enormous ram larger than the human figures represent- 
ed in it, having the head of a fish and bearing the horns over the 
fish's head. Yet the seal itself seems to show that it is only a 
form of God-a symbol or a representation-for on the upper 
corner of the seal the figure of God is represented standing in 
the middle of a tree, with the trident on his head, after the 
fashion of the seal. 2 

The Mohenjo Daro inscriptions generally describe An as 
' Fish-eyed * - " which is a quality considered as 
ATI as Fish-eyed a beauty note in Indian aesthetics \ In one of 
the inscriptions it is said c Mun Mlnkan ? a mean- 
ing the * three fish eyes ? , thus directly referring to the supreme 
Being. In another it is described, s the eyes of the great Fish/ 3 
The Puranic data, however, wonderfully corroborates with what 
is stated in the Mohenjo Daro inscriptions. The 
Corroboration Skanda Purana refers to the close connection of 
the constellation of the Fish and Siva. In one of 
its passages, Siva is addressed as * * To Mlna or the Lord of the 
Mlna ( or Mlnas ) '. 4 Further the Vamana Purana states, that 
' the two fishes are said to have 'been located in the ocean, in 
every country, and in the house of the Gods and Brahmans s? . 

The Puranas Ixave again thrown light on the problem in 
regard to the early association of the Fish with God An. The 
Kalika Purana states, that, Kama, after he was restored to life 
again, installed the image of the fish-form of God Siva on the 
Manikuta Mountain in Assam 6 . The Skanda Purana describes 
that, * at Bsi-tlrtha and another place just adjacent j;o it ( both at 
Prabhasa ), there are three-eyed Matsyas or fish, and that, they 

1 Marshall, M. D., No, 42. 

2 Heras, * The Beligion of the Mohenjo Daro People ', Jour, of the Uni, 
of Bombay, V. /, pp. 8-9. 

3 Marshall, M. D., STo. 68. 

4 Sk&nda P., Mahe&vara Kh t , Adh. 17. 
Vamana P., Adh. 5, 59. 

P., Adh. 82, 50-52. 

The Fish in Indian Folklore 

can be seen in this fashion even to this day ? T . In another pas- 
sage of the same Parana, it is related that, * once some sages 
practised penance and that they prayed Siva ( Sulin ) for bringing 
the Ganges to Prabhasa. Siva did so. ^nd the sages saw the 
Ganges ( in the Tlrtha ) as being full of fishes, which became 
three-eyed immediately they were perceived. The sages then 
requested God, saying, * In our Kuuda ( holy pond ) let there be 
fishes always, and that they be three-eyed in all the forth-com- 
ing Yugas ' 2 . The same Parana narrates another account : * Once 
upon a time, in moments of utter distress and calamity, the Rsis 
or sages prayed and adored Narmada, upon which a goddess 
appeared smiling in a dre&m, and said, * Do not be afraid *, and 
disappeared. Next day, the sages saw the fishes coming along 
with their members ( parivarah ) near their huts ( asrawts ). All 
the sages felt happy *. s In the Vis%u-dharmotfara P. it is stated 
that the Fish was worshipped in the country of the Matsyas, 4 and 
in Kashmir. 5 

The recent excavations at Rairh ( Jaipur State ) have supplied 
us with two interesting examples. In one of the 
Some other representations, the mother-Goddess is painted 
Traditions stftndg f uU front carry i ng a pa i r o f 

in her right hand while thPleft hip is seen holding the girdle** 
Again one of the pottery plaques * represents a female and a male 
figure standing full front. The crowned female figure which is 
taller than the male stands to his right with her hand placed on 
the head of the young man as if in the act of bene dieting. The 
male figure whose right hand is on the hip of the female figure is 
seen holding a pair of fish in his left hand, an emblem usually 
seen in the hand of the mother-goddess ; ( PL XIII, d. ). 7 

There is also another instance in current tradition, It is 
stated that at Nerenika in the Bellary District is a temple 

l Skanda P., VII, 1, Adbu 255, 2 ; 275, 1-2. 

8 Ibid., Adh. 30, Iff. 

8 Ibid., V. 3, Adh. 13. 

4 Visnudharmottara P. Third Khanda. 

1 Ibid., Third Khandv., Adh. 121, 3. 

* Excavations at Rairh, Arch,, Dept. Jaipur, p. 28, 

7 Ibid,, p. 30. 

194 Annals of ibt Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

dedicated to MalleSvara near which is a cave where a orud 
carving of a rock into something like the caricature of a fish i 
worshipped. 1 

Fish as a heraldic device 

The symbol of the two fish or the horned fish ( Kombu Mlna } 
formed the heraldic device or Lanchana of many of the ruling 
tribes or dynasties in the proto and ancient India. In the 
Mohenjo Daro period probably the MJnas adopted itMftough the 
unicorn formed their earlier Laiichana, Later on the Fish 
Lanchana was adopted by the Bilavas, Etkalis, the Kavals 
( whose Lanchana was the Linga originally ), Kalakilas and 
Paravas, who bore the title of Mlnavan. When a union between 
the various tribes used to take place, all the heraldic devices of 
the different tribes were depicted together, i. e., the union of the 
Mlnas, Bilavas and Etkalis is seen represented on one of the 
seals. s Father Heras observes, that, * the seal which bears this 
inscription has likewise the figure of an animal with thiee 
heads : of a unicorn, of a bull and of an ibex ; the unicorn of the 
Mlnas, the bull of the Bilavas, and the ibex of the Etkalis '. 4 

To cite a mythological incident or two ' It is said in one of 
the passages of the Brahmanda Pur an a, that when the fight 
ensued between LalitadevI and the Baksasas, there were various 
kinds of flags depicted with the symbols of the Fish, Serpent 
efec. 5 Kama is designated in mythology as Minadhvaja. The first 
mythical descendant of Hanuman is called m the bardic list as 
Makaradhvaja. 6 

The heraldic device of the two fishes was adopted by the 
Pandyas of Madura, on account of which they were designated 
as M inavar Ko^ It is also worth noting that the Royal House 
of the Pandyas was built in a fish-shaped fashion. 7 The royal 

Moaes, * Fieh and Religion in South India, ' Q. J. M. S., XIII, p. 551. 
Photo JSf. D., 1930-51, Ho. 3987. 

Heras, Mohenjo Daro, the People and the Land ', Indian Culture, UL 
lbtd. 9 p. 112. 

Brahmanda P., Uttarabhaga, Adh. 23, 24 
Statistical account of Porbunder, p. 14f. * 
Bewell, A. Sketch of the Dynasties of South India, 1883, p. 74. 

The Fish in Indian Folklore 19 r 

Lanchana of the Matsya dynasty of Oddadi consisted of the 
Fish. 1 The Kadambas of Kalinga adopted this symbol. 2 
Fish as a Fertility Symbol 

One of the Mohenjo Daro inscriptions refers to the * Spring 
Fish \ Father Heras observes that the term might have been 
used to denote the symbol of fertility of God, who is specially 
seen in the Spring. B This is corroborated by some of the later 
representations also. 

In the Kailasa temple at Ellora, the topmost of the three 
tableau contains the following representation : above the inverted 
stem of the lotus, ending at either end in a lotus bud and a 
flower combined in one stem, there are two other stems of lotus 
branches turned upwards on either side encircling: as it were, 
two fishes combining in arch-like fashion at their mouths, which 
are about to touch each other, as if they were kissing, and in 
between them, in the intervening, is a full-blown lotus, the lower 
portion of whose stalk passes just between the space intervening 
tbe tails of the two fishes is the emblem of tte Linga, rather 
rounded in form on a panivatta, at each end of which is again a 
lotus. Above the Linga, is a smaller Linga, and above it, a still 
smaller one, and above these three successive Lingas, the Tri&Wa 
is again shown, worked out in a manner, quite in keeping with 
tbe heraldic details of the sculpture. 4 

Hayavadan Hao proposes that this may be tbe representation 
of Siva in his Safcfcvic aspect i. e. that of Visnu, the Preserver of 
tbe universe. 5 But, as we know, the fish was closely associated 
with in in ancient times ; and it was considered as a symbol of 
fertility. The three Lingas are the three aspects of the Supreme 
Lord. The lotus also is a symbol of fertility. Thus, evidently, the 
present design represents a tradition-a far ancient tradition, 
namely that of the Fish as a fertility symbol. 

1 Moses, op. cit. p. 551; E. I., V., 106 ; J. A. H. E. S^ V. PL II. Ho, 4. 

2 J. B. and O. It. S. XVII, P. 175 ; J. B. H. S. V, fasc., p. 28 , J. A. H. R. 
S. HI. p. 171 ; IV, p. 113. 

3 Marshall, M. D., No. Ill, Photo, M. D., 1929-30., No. 8222; M. D., 
No. 405 ; ibid., H., No. 89. 

* Mysore G-az. II. Pt. I, pp. 156-157. 
5 Ibid., p. 157. 

196 Annals of the Ehandarlar Oriental Research Institute 

The tradition is retained in another way. It is said to 
represent the yani or ovarian fertility. It is comprised in tie 
five-fold Makara, which * taketh away all sin ' of the Varna- 
caries, the left-hand Saktas, in its representative capacity of a 
symbol of ovarian fertility. 

Some other examples come from the south. The Holeyars of 
Canara lead the newly wedded couple to a river wherein they 
put the wedding mat woven by the birds and catch some fish 
which the couple let go after kissing. 1 In some cases one fish is 
taken home and its scales adorn the forehead of the couple and 
they believe that this ensures their fertility. 2 

Fish whether a totem originally 

It has become a debatable point whether the fish happened to 
be a totem of any tribe in ancient India. But we may safely say 
that the proto-Dravidian period does not show any sign of the 
prevalence of the idea then. 

The Mahabharata relates the story of king Matsya, who is said 
said to have been born from the womb of a fish along with 
Matsygandha Satyavatl. 8 The Harivam^a asserts that GirikS 
through Oaidya Uparicara gave birth to seven children i. e, 
Maharatha Magadharat Brhadratha, Pratyajaha, Kusa, whom 
they called as Manivahana, Marutta, Yadu, Matsya and Kail. 4 
The story of Pradyumna's birth from the womb of the fish is well 
known. The Matsyas of Oddadi relate a story as follows ; 

In the lineage of Kasyapa was the sage Naranga, who one 
day while wandering in the sky, saw the river Matsya which 
rises on the Mukunda mountain, and descending its banks he 
engaged himself in<penance. The frieghtened Indra, in order to 
disturb the sage in his divinity destroying plan, sent down the 

1 Moses, op. cfc., Q. J. M. ., XIII, p. 554. 

* Ibid. 

8 Mahabharata, Adi. P. Adh. 57. 

Harivafata, i, 32, 91-93; cf. also Brahmanda P. Madhya-bhUga, Adh. 
10, 67. . . * 

The Ftsh in Indian Folklore 197 

Apsara and Manjughosa. But the sage's curse changed her into a 
fish Matsya, and made her to swallow the seme a which the 
ascetic had thrown into the water. She in due course gave birth 
to a son who was called Satya-Martanda. Jayatsena of Ufckala 
gave the boy a governorship and his daughter 1 . f 

Macdonell observes, that, there are possibly in the Rgveda 
gome survivals of totemism, or the belief in the descent of the 
human race, or of individual tribes of families from animals or 
plants. 2 He also cites in this connection the instance of the 
* Matsya 7 occurring in the Rgveda. But as has been observed 
elsewhere, the Matsyas seem to have obtained their tribal 
name ' Mlna ' mostly on account of their sea-faring activity. 
The Mlna or the Matsya was also their heraldic symbol. 
In view of all this, all the later accounts seem to be utterly 

fish in later Religion and Art 

The fish as an A vatara of Visnu ( of. infra ) is worshipped on 
various occasions. Many of the finny tribes of the Ganges are 
worshipped at the festivals in honour of the goddess Gang. 
Female Hindus residing on the banks of the Padma, on the fifth 
day of the white half or the increase of the moon in Magha, 
actually worship the Ilishu fish, and afterwards partake of them 
without the fear of injuring their health. Pious Hindus feed fish 
at sacred places with a lakh or more little balls of^flour, wrapped 
up in Bhurja-patra or birch bark or paper with the>ame of Rama 
written on it. Their eating the name of the deity ensures their 
salvation, and confers religious merit on the givers. There are 
special ponds reserved for fishes in front of many temples 
in India. 

The fish is a sign of good luck. Its pictures are always 
drawn on house-walls as a charm against demoniacal influence. 
There is a widespread belief in Srngeri that skin diseases can be 

1 E. I. V., p. 106. 

3 Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, p- 153, 

7 [ Annals* B. O. B L 1 

198 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

cured by propitiating the fish of this place, * In the Naulaka 
temple at Bhumli the fish emblem occurs several times side 
by side with representations of monkeys. 2 

The makara is the cognisance of the ninth Jain Tlrthankara, 
Puspadanta. s Even Buddhism has adopted this symbol. It is 
worth noting that the form or aureole of Makara and lotus-leaf 
is still followed by Saivite image-makers in South India. * 

The fish is the vehicle of Khwaja Khizr, the water-god, and 
hence has become a sort of totem of the Siah Mussalmans. 

That the fish was also closely associated with the social 
activities of the ancient Indians can be seen from the fact, that 
the Mahabharata depicts how Arjuna, to win over DraupadI in 
Svayarhvara, had to hit his arrow against the target consisting 
of the eye of the fish. 


The Matsyavatara of Visnu 

In the mythological period various exploits are attributed to 
the Fish-form of Visnu, namely, those of saving Manu from the 
great Deluge; the taking out of the Vedas from the clutches of 
Hayagrlva, Madhu and Kaitabha, Sankhasura or other demons, 
who had stolen the same away iato the depths of the sea ; and of 
the bringing of the conch-shell Pamcajanya after destroying 
Pamcajana. The first exploit consists of the saving of Manu or 
Satyavrata Manu ; and it is said to have taken place either in 
Northern or Southern India. The second is described to have 
taken place at Prayaga or some other location. However, before 
entering into the pros and cons of the various problems arising 
out of these legends we shall first of all make a study of the 
legend of the flood itself. 

1 Moaes, op. cit. t p. 552. 

* Burgess, Reports, II, p, xlhL 

* Blacker, The A. B. C. of Indian Art, p. 54, Illustration, p. 56. 

* Havell, Indian Architecture, p. 82. 

The Fish in Indian Folklore. 

The story of Manu is related with some variance in tlie 
various literary works e. g. the Atharvaveda, 1 the 
Satapatha Brahmana, 2 the Mahabharata,* and the 
Matsya, 4 the Bhagavata, 5 the Skanda, 6 the Vi$nu- 
dhaimottara, 7 the Agni, 8 the Garuda, 9 the Naradlya, 10 the ;Kslik&, n 

and the Brahmavaivarta 12 Puranas respectively. 

The oldest account of the story is narrated in the Satapatha 

BrShmana. It forms the nucleus of all the later stories. While 
explaining the value and object of the Ida ceremony the story of 
the Flood is introduced as follows 

*In the morning they brought water to Manu to wash with, 
even as they bring it today to wash hands with. While he was 
washing, a fish came into his hands. The fish said, * keep me, 
and I will save thee \ ' What will thou save me from ? ? *A 
flood will sweep away all creatures on earth. I will save thee 
from that *. * How am I to keep thee ? ' 'As long as we are 
small % said the fish, * we are subject to much destruction ; fish 
eats fish. Thou shalt first keep me in a jar. When I outgrow 
that, thou shalfe take me down to the sea, for there Igshall be 
beyond destruction, ' 

1 It soon became a ( great horned fish called a ) Jhasa, for this 
grows the largest, and then it said : * the flood will come thfa 
summer. Look out for me, and build a ship. When the flood 
rises, enter into the ship, and I will save thee '. After he had 
kept it, he took it down to the sea. And the same summer, as 
the fish had told him, he looked oat for the fish, and built a ship. 

I Atharvaveda, xix, 39. 
8 Satapatha Br.> i. 8. 

3 Mbh. Vanaparva, Adh. 190. 

4 Matsya, Adh, i. 

5 Bhagavata, viii, Adh. 24ff*, ir- Adh. Iff. 

6 Skanda, v, 3, Adh. 2, 34 ; Vai$nava Kh* Kartttka X*. 2, 
* Visnudharmottara P. Adh. 75. 

8 Agni P. 2ff. 

9 Q-aruda, Purva, Acara Randa, 87, 12* 
1 Naradiya JP. Adh. 66. 

II KaUka P. Adh. 32. 

18 Brahmavaivarta P. iv 

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

And when the flood rose he entered into the ship. Then swam nr> 
the fish ; and thus he sailed swiftly up toward the mountain of 
the north. ' I have saved thee *, said he ( the fish ). Fasten the 
ship to a tree. But let not the water leave thee stranded while 
thou art on the mountain ( top ). Descend slowly as the water goes 
down *. So he descended slowly, and that descent of the mountain 
of the north is called * the descent of Manu '. The flood than 
swept off all the creatures of the earth, and Manu here remained 
alone. * Then it is told how Manu begets the race of Mankind 
through his daughter Ida. 

This account forms the basis of all the later stories. Let us 
trace the main aspects of the later additions or deductions made 
in regard to the story itself. 

Main issues of the Legend 

The main issues of the legends occurring in Indian literature 
may be summarised as follows 

The Matsya P. describes that Manu was the son of Vivasvata, 

and that he renounced his kingdom in favour of 

Manu ki s gorij an( j W ent to the forest of Malaya for 

practising penance. The Bhagavata sfcates that, 

He who is by name Satyavraia, is a Rajarsi and the Lord of 

Dravidas ( Dravide^vara ). It is heard that he was Manu the 

son of Vivasvat. He was one devoted to Narayana '. All the 

other Puranas agree in calling ' the hero of the flood ' as Manu. 

The Agni and the Bhagavata describe that the small fish 

jumped into the hands of Manu, when he was 

Manu and offering a libation of water on the banks of the 

Krfcamali, which, as Father Heras points out, is 

the same River that joins the Vaigai at Madura. The Maha- 

bharata states that the scene took place on the banks of the 


The various Puranas relate how the fish foretold Manu of the 
forth-coming danger { flood ). The Agni P. describes it as being 
snowy. Further, the fish is in every case a horned fish. 

The Fish in Indian Folklore 201 

The ship in which Manu sailed was tied to the horn of the 

fish. Some of the versions say that the rope with 

The Ship which the ship was tied consisted of a serpent * 

and Fish r^^ Q Visnudharmottara describes that SatI ( Siva's 

consort) herself had become the ship. * The Brahmavaivarta des- 
cribes that the ship was Amrta herself, 3 

Some of the Puranas describe the place where the ship WBS 
Ship and Mountain tied down and where Manu descended. Furtbet 
the Atharvaveda states : 

* Where is the sinking of the ship the summit of the hill of 

There is the embodiment of life that dies not *. 4 

The Mahabharata while endorsing the same account, relates 
that the place, where Manu descended, is situated on the Hima- 
layas, and that it is known as * Naubandhana * even now. 5 The 
Brahmavaivarta P. clearly states that Manu got down on the 
Trikuta mountain. 

These are the main issues of the story. 

The Fish and its proto-lndian character 

It has already been observed how the fish played an important 
role in the socio-religious life of the Mlnas, and how it was 
closely associated with in in those times. Father Heras observes 
that the horn-fish ( Kombu Mlna ) also was identified with Ai? 
during that period The following inscriptions may be cited in 
this connection 

( 1 ) ' flag of the two fishes of the imprisoned Mlna of the year 
of the hoisting of the flag of the horn-fish '. 6 

( 2 ) * That An of the horn in the living fish-eyed one '. 7 

1 AgniP>2, 13* 

* Visnudharmottara P., Khanda i. 75, 9. 

* Brahmavaivarta P. iv. Adh. 3, 30ff. 
4 Atharvaveda, xix, 39. 

* M bh. Vana-Parva. Adh. 190, 48-49. 

Mackay, Further Excavate at Mohen 3 o Daro, II. pL 

' Marshall, Mohenjo Dare and Indus Cml****** IIJ * * l < cxU 

2O2 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( 3 ) ' That is the judgment of the horn of the fish who is the 
house. ' J 

In this connection. Father Heras refers to a tradition, which 
is found to he current among the Paravas in later times, ' They 
used to plant the * horn ? or the * sword ? of the sword-fish in the 
sand in the midst of their houses ; and when they went a-fishing 
they garlanded it and worshipped with ceremony and pomp, the 
spirit behind it. ' 2 

Location of the Origin 

Thus if the above conclusion be correct, namely, that the 
worship of the fish-emblem of God An-Siva was prevalent in the 
country of the Mlnas, then we should be really in a position to 
prove that the version of the exploits of the Fish-God also must 
have arisen in this land alone. 

The version of the Satapatha Brahmatia, which is the earliest 
in Indian literature, must really help us in solving bhe above 
problem. The Satapatha narrates that the fish saved Manu from 
the flood (aughah ) and that it took him to the northern mountain 
( uttaram girim X 

As has been observed above, both the Atharvaveda and the 
Mahabharata agree in describing that the spot where the bark 
was tied down is situated in the Himalaya Mountain. The 
Biahmavaivarta P. clearly states that Manu got down on the 
summit of the Trikuta mountain. The Trikuta mountain is 
generally described as * a triple-peaked mountain situated in 
the outer Himalaya, south of Chanani, held sacred by the Hindus, 
It is a curious three-peaked hill the last culminating point of the 
range separating Chenab from the Ravi. It is also a mountain 
in Kashmir *. Further as Das rightly observes it, there is some 
indication in the Satapatha-Brahmana of the situation of the 
region named Ila. There it has been stated that Manu at the 
great deluge sailed in his ship northward from the shores of the 
southern ocean, and his bark having been stranded on the 
* Northern mountain \ i.e. the Himalaya, he disembarked and 
landed on firm ground on the mountain* Here he met a beautiful 

1 Mackay, op. cit. 9 pL batxiv, no. 79. 

Pattinapalai t Is. 81-103. 

The Fish in Indian folklore 

damsel, named Ila who described herself as his daughter. Ifc Is 
very probable that this was the region ( situated in Kashmir ), 
called Ila in the Rgveda, and if our surmise be correct, it was 
situated on the Himalaya and regarded as one of the best 
countries '. * 

The exploit of the fish refers to the oceanic activities* And 
if we take into consideration the near distance of the spot where 
Maim is supposed to have landed from the original habitat of 
the MInas, namely , Harappa and other sites, then it becomes 
absolutely evident that the legend must have originated first in 
the land of the MInas alone. This shows evidently the Indian 
character of the fish legend. 


Age of the Flood and the Atharvaveda 

Surprisingly enough, the problem of the age of the Flood is 
directly interconnected with that of the Atharvaveda, and con- 
sequently of the close of the Indus Valley civilization and the 
early beginnings of the Mahabharata. In our opinion, the Flood, 
which was really responsible for wiping off all the belongings of 
the whole of humanity in India at one. time, must have been ft 
reality-and the importance of which cannot be so easily 

The tradition is preserved amongst many peoples and nations 
e, g, the Bhils, s the Tamils etc. The Babylonian legend has 
acquired a peculiar fame by itself. 

The Babylonian account has many similarities with those of 
the Indian. * The Fish-God Ea gives a warning of the coming 
danger to Uta ISTapishtim, the Babylonian Noah. It also 
acts as the saviour and announces the doom to Napishtim, It 
appears after the flood to Napishtim, as fish does to Manu and 
reveals its identity. * * 

Probably, it is on account of all this that some scholars have 
opined or proposed that the story is of foreign origin, and that it 

1 Das, Itgvedic India, p. 59. 
8 Das, Jfgvedic India* I, p. 59. 
* Peak, The Flood t p. 25. 

204 Annals of the Bhandarkat Oriental Research Institute 

must have travelled from the Babylonian region to India through 
the trading Phoenicians, 1 or even earlier.* Max Muller expressed 
the view that the story is of Aryan origin, it being absolutely 
independent from that of the Babylonian account. 8 Vaidyanatha 
Ayyar 'seems to suggest ' that the Dravidians must hare 
carried away the legend to Babylon after having adopted it 
from the Aryans. 4 Tilak proposed an Indo-Iranian origin to the 
legend. 5 

The occurrence of the Flood itself is indicated in the early 
literature. It is said, that the land to the west of the Western 
Ghats which was once covered by the ocean was, after the retreat 
of the waters, being called as Parasurama-bhumi. Various 
accounts are related how Para&urama darted his arrow at the sea 
and asked it to go back. The most important legend of historical 
significance is the one related in connection with the over- 
flooding of Dvaraka immediately after the death ot Krsna, the 
main political hero of the epic. This was evidently after the 
BhSrata war was over. In regard to the Flood legend itself, *we 
have said that it could have arisen somewhere near the 
land of the Mlnas alone e. g. the Indus Valley zone. 

The Dvaraka legend somehow seems to hit at the point very 
notably. We know that the Bharata war must have taken place 
after the Rgvedic period was over. Veda-Vyasa is said to have 
arranged the Vedas- a fact which must have taken place before 
the happenings of the Bharata war. So that, it must have taken 
a period of about two or three centuries for all these incidents 
e* g. the close of the Rgvedic period, the Bharata war, and the 
over-flooding of the sea and rivers respectively. 

1 Kennedy, 'Early commerce of Babylon with India, ' / E. A. S., 1898, 
pp. 260 ff. 

3 Begozin, Ve&ic India, p. 345. 

s Max MUller, India, What can it teach us ? pp. 133-139. 

* Vaidyanatha Ayyar, 'The flood legend of the East, ' J. B. H. B. II, 
P li. 

e Tilak, The Arctie Home in the Vedas, pp. 385-87. 

Tbt Fish in Indian Folklore 2O5 

The whole of the $gveda shows a keen knowledge of the 
civilization of the Moherjo Daro people. To quote a few 
instances ' the Mafcsyas or Micas, the SiSnadevas, the Muradevas 
(equivalent to Mxiruga or Karttikeya ), the three-headed and 
gix-eyed Dasa, the Panis-as being Mrdhravac and Grathina 
(composers), and other factors in regard to the forts, etc, of 
the Asuras. But the Rgveda has in no war referred to the fact 
of flood or the fish as having saved Mann. In fact the story for 
the first time occurs in the Atharvaveda ( to a slight extent ), the 
Mahabharata, and the atapatha Brahmaria. The absence of it in 
the Bgveda must clearly and logically point out thafc both the 
flood and the formation and currency of the legend must have 
taken place m the post-Rgvedic period alone. 

If this be so, then our conclusion shall assume a definite 
correctness, namely, that the incident of the flood, which took 
place immediately after the Bharata war, must have taken 
about a century or two for its formation into a legend. And 
thus, with slight variations, we see the first depiction of the 
legend in the three early writings * the Atharvaveda, the Satapatha 
Brahma^a and the Mahabharata. 

We do not feel inclined to say anything more in regard to the 
unique non- Aryan character of the Atharvaveda- The references 
to the cult of the Ekavratya, the Asivattha tree, the divine 
nature of the Serpent 9 Kama, exorcism, magic and folklore, all 
these point to its non-Aryan character. We know for certain 
thafc the Bhrgus were men of letters par excellence. They played 
their r&le in the formation of the Bharata into the Mahabh&rafca. 
They have almost become gods among the Dravidian population 
in India ( now especially Southern ). Sukra is known to have 
been the Head-priest ( Purohita ) of the Asuras. Para&urama and 
Renuka are well known divine figures in Purapic literature. 
It is not surprising that these Bhrgus } who were also the authors 
of the Bhrgu Samhita ( now Manu ), must have been also the 
people, who picked up the art and craft of the Dravidians and 
assimilated the same into their own works. ' 

If this be so, then it is not impossible that the Bhrgus, while 
imbibing the bsst of the traditions, legends and folklore of the 
8 [ Aanals, B. O. B. . ] 

206 Awls of the tifatnfarkar Oriental Research Institute 

country, tried also to Brahmanize them. The Afcharvaveda is a 
clear document of this kind. The Fish-legend itself gives another 
clue, namely, that its introduction shows the last stage of ifc 
compilation - though the beginnings of the same must be 
coierminus with the early portions of the Rgveda itself. This 
must also be the period of the tiatapatha Brahmana and the early 
beginnings of the Great Epic : the Mah&bhSrata. 

The flood itself must have caused the close of the Indus 
Valley civilisation. And during the later centuries we learn 
about it only in the form of traditions both in the east and 
Babylon. In India the Fish is identified first with Brahma as in 
the MahSbharata, and with Visnu in the PurSnic period. 


( A Psychological Scrutiny ) 


The classical doctrines of Indian poetics have, most of them, 
their origins in the work of Bharata, the Natyasastra. Among 
such, doctrines is the famous Rasa Doctrine of poetical apprecia- 
tion, in connection with which Bharata lays down the following 
cryptic aphorism : 

u ** 

An expositor has explicated it as follows: 

Its purport has thus been rendered : " when the vibhavas, anu~ 
Niavas and the vyabhicaribhavas combine to awaken the sth&yi- 
bhava, the awakened sthayibhava finally develops into Rasa. '* 

Bharata has said again : 

*fc ( ^^ ) i n 

( Natyasastra, p, 71 ) 
This means : " The sthayibhava, when acted on ( stimulated ) 
by vibhavas, anubhavas and vyabMcaribhava$ t obtains the title of 
Rasa. " 

It is obvious that the sthayibhava is here presumed to be some 
fact or phenomenon connected with the mental life of the Ra&ka* 
or the appreciator of a work of ait. 

The passages cited above are the IQCU* dossier of Bh&raia's 
famous Rasa doctrine, which became afterwards the central text 
for the development of the various theories and explanations in 
the hands of the Sanskrit Sahityakaras or literary critics. B Is 
obvious that the whole Rasa doctrine hinges upon the central 
concept of sthayibhava, which is the core of that doctrine. It is 
this sthayibhava ( whatever its nature ) t which, when acted on or 
appealed to by certain factors called the wbhavas, awtbhSva* and 

2o8 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

vydbhicaribhavas, is said to develop Into Rasa (poetical apprecia* 
tion or aesthetic enjoyment ) of a work of art. A sound under- 
standing of the Easa doctrine, therefore, depends in the first 
instance upon a clarification of this central concept of sthayibhawt, 
in that doctrine. 

A reference to recognised writers on this subject reveals a 
remarkable lack of any consensus of opinion regarding the exact 
psychological nature of the sthayibhava. Here are a few 
representative views * 

Dr. 3. K. De ('Studies in the History of Sanskrit Poetics, Vol. II) 
has used a variety of expressions to render sthayibhava into 
English : " the principal or permanent mood, " ( p. 27 ) ; " more or 
less permanent mental states, " (p. 28) ; " permanent mood or sentf- 
ment," (p 168, footnote 168 ); ''dominant emotion," (p. 326); 
" dominant feeling, " ( p. 343 ) j etc* 

Pandit P. P. Sastri ( The Philosophy of Aesthetic Pleasure ) 
uses these phrases : " potential conditions of mind, " (p. 18, foot- 
note) ; " a permanent mental condition, " ( p. 39, p. 171 ) ; etc. 

Prof. P. S. Naidu ( The Rasa Doctrine and the Concept of 
Suggestion in Hindu Aesthetics, in the Journal of the Annamalai 
University, Vol. X, No. 1, September, 1940, p. 8) opines: "The 
sthayibhavas are the propensities of Western psychology. " 

Dr. K. N. Watave ( The Psychology of the Rasa Theory ', in the 
Silver Jubilee Number of the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental 
Eesearch Institute, Vol. XXIX1, 1942, p. 670) writes: "The 
fithayibhava is the ' Sentiment \ Oar Sanskrit sthayibhava is 
neither an instinct, nor an emotion, nor a mood ; although it has 
got an instinctive base and is a primary emotion in character. " 

It is obvious that these scholars have sought to identify the 
concept of sthayibhava in Indian poetics wifch some ( correspond- 
ing ) concept in Western psychology, as e. g. mood, mental state 
or condition, emotion, feeling, sentiment, primary emotion, propensity, 
etc. Now, if a concept of some mental fact or phenomenon as 
described by the Sanskrit literary critics is to be identified with 
the corresponding concept of some allied fact or phenomenon 
described by modern psychology, then this can be done in any 
decisive sense only after a direct and close, comparative scrutiny 
of the descriptions of both, the concepts given by competent and 

Concept of Sthfyibhava, in Indian Poetics 209 

relevant witnesses, with a view to bringing out whatever 
entid similarities ( and differences ) there might exist between 
them. Similarities, then, if substantial, will make for their 
identity ( and differences, if any, will have to be satisfactorily 
explained ). The writers quoted above, apart from the thought- 
provoking suggestions that they have made, cannot be said to 
have done this, at least in a way that would satisfactorily decide 
the question regarding the exact psychological nature of sthayi- 
Mm It is accordingly proposed, in this paper, to re-examine criti- 
cally the descriptions of the sthayibhava in the Sanskrit works on 
literary criticism, with a view comparatively to ascertaining 
more definitely what fact or phenomenon as described in our 
modern psychology it approaches most in its essential nature. 


Dr. K. N. Watave ( Rasa- Vimarsa, Doctorate Thesis in 
Marathi, published by New Kitabkhana, Poona, pp. 136-138 ) has 
very usefully brought together the principal representative 
passages in the various Sanskrit treatises, which are meant to 
describe, though not to define always and strictly, the nature of 
the sthaytbhava. On a close scrutiny of these, it appears that they 
can be classified under five or six main heads, emerging out of 
that scrutiny, of the dominant characters of the essential nature 
of the sthayibhava, as it was envisaged by these writers. Below 
ate given these heads and the passages that would appear to fall 
under them 

( 1 ) Innate Inclination or Disposition : 


' < wPnwraft o 
( ii) ' wimfrrswt WTOTTstfn fcw wrt *w ' 

(iii ) < 
(iv ) 

210 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( 2 ) Prevailing Predominance : 

r 3?*TT 355: i 

n ' ( TOQVW of 

?: 1 
(iii) * <FF : ^T*rf TO: ^^rr^fi ^Ri ^^ ^ 

( ii ) ' y*<M*TRt JFfWNsrc fief m ^pft *rr?: i ^Trnco o 


( iv ) * giMi I^M<T ^TJ wr^ft ^f^ ^^^ i ' (^rrflt^tgea of 
( 3 ) Capacity not to be eclipsed by other factors : 

/ \ <^* ^ <^^ *^ ^ ^ f^x> ^^ *- , 

v i ) !n?"4ti<=n? ; ^['5ir ^TTerrciT^s^rH ^ ^* i 

........ . ^r: ^^\ ... .*.'( ^TS;?^ of nf 

( ii ) ' u *j idtaft ^ i dl^^rr^T^rf^^rs^rt ...... 

( iii ) c 

...... 3WI ^TR: ^reftfrT ^f%rr: II ' ( ^ff^tq^W of 

( iv ) * 'B'^f IfiT*}"!'*!^! d i^Tt i n 

; n J ( wrynsR of 

( v) < ^r T^M^f ^^fr ...... u' ( 

( 4 ) Capacity to attract, subdue or assimilate other factors 

( i ) c SF% *mrem^ ( ^nfSre: ) ajurcnrr STT^T^"^ i ' 


of s** 
( iii ) ' ... ... ^ ( 3F3RTO ) THt ( wfr ) ^s^f 7^3; i 

( iv ) ' 

...... *n ^^TT2fi *TI^ ^^^ U ' 


( 5 ) Endurance- Stability- Permeation : 

^2 i 


...... u ' ( 

iii * H 

i^ of 

The Concept of Sthayibb&va in Indian Poetics 211 

(iv ) i ... 


( 6 ) Enjoy ability -Delectability - 

( i ) ' wfr ^ ?mr ^Jrr^r^q; i ' ( srflfc^in of 


Tie following: appears to be the broad upshot of the passages 
quoted above : The sthayibhavas are the innate, predominant or 
prevailing, uneclipsable, assimilative, enduring and permeating^ 
enjoyable, conative-disposittonal factors in human nature. In brief, 
the sthayibhava are the prevailing, innate, conative-dispositional 
factors in human nature, 

If this upshot extracted from a scrutiny of the descriptions 
of the sthayibhavas in the works of the Sanskrit Sahityakaras is 
representative and correct ( as it is hoped it is ), then it directly 
suggests ( and invites ) a prima f aciefcomparison of the sthayi- 
bfiavas with the Instincts or Propensities of western psychology 
to the students of that science. Below are accordingly given a 
few representative passages from the works of McDougall and 
Drever, the well-known British psychologists, who have done so 
much in recent times to secure a. proper recognition for Instincts 
or Propensities, as the prime, innate factors or the original basic 
constituents of human nature * 

( 1 ) McDougall defines Instinct as follows : 

"We may, then, define instinct as an inherited or inmt* 
psycho-physical disposition, which determines its possessor to 
percti<ue, and pay attention to, objects of a certain class, to 
experience an emotional excitement of a particular quality upon 
perceiving such an object, and to act in regard to it in a particular 
manner, or, at least, to experience an impute* to such ail action* 
( A.n Introduction to Social Psychology, 23rd Edition, p. 23* ) 

( McDougall has also defined Instinct almost in similar terms 
in his later work, An Outline of Psychology, 4th Edition, p. 110, 
And he has defended the same general position in regard to 
Instinct in his The Energies of Men, 3rd Edition, pp. vi 26, 64 

212 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

and 118 ; but he has used in this book the term propensity^ 
instead of instinct, to avoid certain controversial difficulties, ) 

( 2 ) McDougall describes the significance of Instinct h 
human life as follows * 

" We may say, then, that directly or indirectly the instincts 
are the prime movers of all human activity ; by the conatiw or 
impulsive farce of some instinct ( or of some habit derived from 
some instinct ), every train of thought^ however cold and passion- 
less it may seein, is borne along towards its end, and every 
bodily activity is initiated and sustained. The instinctive im- 
pulses determine the ends of all activities and supply the driving 
power by which all mental activities are sustained*; and all the 
complex: intellectual apparatus of the most highly developed mind 
is but a means towards these ends, is but the instrument by which 
these impulses seek their satisfactions, while pleasure and pain do 
but serve to guide them in their choice of the means. " ( Op. 
cii, p. 38. ) 

( 3 } McDougall also describes the relations of Instinct and 
Emotionsespecially how emotions inevitably appear in the wake 
of the operation of the instinctive impulses as the affective 
reflection of them, as follows : 

" Emotion is regarded as a mode of experience which accompa- 
nies the working within us of instinctive impulses. It is assumed 
that human nature ( our inherited inborn constitution ) comprises 
instincts ; that the operation of each instinct, no matter how 
brought into play, is accompanied by its own peculiar quality 
of experience which may be called a primary emotion ; and that, 
when two or more instincts are simultaneously at work in us, we 
experience a confused emotional excitement [ secondary or blended 
emotion ], in which we can detect something of the qualities of 
the corresponding primary emotions. The human emotions are 
then regarded as dues to the instinctive impulses, or indications of 
the motives at work within us. " ( An Outline of Psychology, 
PP. 127-128. ) 

( 4 ) A passage from Drever, quoted below, focusses most of 
the points in the passages quoted from McDougall above : 

The Concept of Stk&ytbhava in Indian Poetics 213 

" When we seek the motives for the man's acts, we find that, 
they reduce themselves on analysis to certain motives more or less 
characteristic of human nature in general. ......Moreover, these 

motives are innate. The human being comes Into the world 

with certain active tendencies ..These active tendencies.*. .,+may 

be designated instincts These instincts are experienced as 

impulses, each accompanied by a feeling or interest, evoked by- 
certain particular objects, situations, or other experiences, and 
manifesting themselves in more or less definite kinds of 
behaviour. " ( The Psychology of Everyday Life, 6th Edition, 
p, 20. ) 

The following appears to be the main upshot ol these passages 
from McDougall and Drever : Instincts are the innate prime 
movers, the dominant conative-dispositional factors in human 
nature. These are the enduring motive forces behind all activities 
of man-bodily and mental, zntehectual, emotional and volitional. 
They are stimulated by some concrete thing, aspect of environ- 
ment or experience ; and out of this their stimulation come into 
play all tha emotions and feelings of men. All thought, activity 
or feeling arises only in connection with and is subordinate to 
one purpose, the satisfaction or fulfilment in some way or sense 
of these native dispositions of man's nature, which is the grand 
ultimate value, the motfc delectable, of our human existence, in 
delation to which alone everything derives its value and 


If we now carefully compare the main trend of the descrip- 
tions of the * Gthayibhava ' in the Sanskrit works on poetics, of 
which we have given a broad upshot towards the end of Section 
II of this paper with that of the definitions and descriptions of 
Instinct in the works of McDougall and Drever, of which also 
we have extracted the mam upshot towards the end of the last 
Sicfcion, it will be seen, I hope, that the two concepts, the attatf- 
bhava and Instinct, seem to offer surprising similarities of their 
essential natures, so that we may almost recognise thena as 
essentially, though broadly, identical concepts in psychological 
theory. The two, the sthaytbhava and the instinct, are the (1J 

9 I Annals. B. O. B. L ] 

214 Annabel the Shandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

innate, ( 2 ) conative, ( 3 ) dispositional factors of the origina 
endowment of the human nature* They are the ( 4 ) prime (non 
secondary ) movers behind all human activities, to ( 5 ) which al 
other activities in human life, intellectual, emotional and voli 
tional, are subordinate and contributory, and ( 6 ) which are th 
ultimate source and basis of all the human emotions and feelings 
which are the main stuff and content of our aesthetic life and 
enjoyment. It is for the readers of this paper to realise this broad 
identity for themselves. I, for one, feel convinced about it. The 
* sthayibhavas ' of Indian poetics are the * instincts ' or * propen- 
sities ? of Western psychology. * 

* Paper contributed to the Psychology Section, Indian Philosophical 
Congrww. 18th Session, December, 1943, Lahore, 



The Deer does not appear to have received much attention in 
the West, as regards its symbolic aspect, and there may be 
considerable scope for research in this direction. It was probably 
conveyed in allegorical form from India to America, from thence 
by the early tribes and their priests to the British Isles, being 
taken afterwards with many other religious symbols, to the 
Western mainland of Europe. Among the earliest monk 
missioners from these islands to Western Europe were Si Kilian 
(brought up in lona); St. G-allen, a Scoto-Irish monk, and St. 
Albert of Regensburg, a Scottish king. 

Augustinians, Benedictines and their pre-Christian pre- 
decessors, founded establishments and created centres of religion 
and learning in these parts. But it looks as if the results of pre- 
Christian missionary work had been rather glossed over j in con- 
sequence, leading to some confusion of thought among excavators 
and antiquarians in regard to the direction from which the 
settlers came. 

These missionaries, in pre-Christian, and also in Christian 
times, made their way to Switzerland and many other countries, 
possibly making the Abbey of St. Gallen in the North of 
Switzerland a base for their activities in that region. This 
ancient Benedictine settlement was connected with the Irish 
ecclesiastical centre of Bangor. There is a Deer Park near thia 
Swiss monastery which, in ancient times, may have been* 
preserve for sacred Deer. The Si Gallen library, still in 
existence, *' surpassed all the other Benedictine establishments in 
science and literature. " l 

St. Nicholas is closely associated with the Deer, and fa much 
revered in Switzerland. Combe St. Nicholas, in Somerset, <**J^" 

1 The Book of 

216 Annals of tht Bhandarkar Oriental Research Instttuit 

seate ), England, where excavations have taken place, and ft< 
chambered tumulus of St. Nicholas, in Glamorganshire, "W a u 
bear witness to his pre-Christian origin. He appears to hi 
identical with Hercules ( a Swiss hero ). Hercules became the 
fabulous ancestor of the Swiss* He built a palace on the height 
above Lausanne ( Lousonna ) for his son Helvetia 1 who was the 
tribal deity of the Helvetians, the first inhabitants of the Canton 
Vaud. It is plain that St. Nicholas, Hercules ( of Switzerland) 
and Eochu are identical with Kartikeya of India. In Umbria 
Italy, St, Nicholas is known as the Fire Father; Hercules 
dissppears from Switzerland in Flames, Eochu presides over 
Fir-e ceremonies at the famous Druidic settlement of Tara,h 
County Meath, Ireland, and Kartikeya " sprang from Fire, " St 
Nicholas, as Santa Glaus drives a team of Reindeer, his counter* 
part in Switzerland being St. ^kolaus* or Brother Klaus. The 
consort of Hercules of Herakles, is the Deer goddess Merigai 
the consort of Eochu is Etain or Elan ( Sanskrit, Eta or Elan 
Deer ) 8 ; and Kartikeya receives a LeersMn faom Brahma, the 
Creator. The Deerskin, as the garb of Brahman ascetics, 
betokens Sacrifije as represented by the allegorical Deer. 

St. Nicholas is the patron Saint of C/dldren and Kartikaja, 
with his consort Devasena, is Guardian deity of New-born Babies. 

In Swiss legend Ida makes her appsarnce accompanied hy 
a white Doe* with blue eyes. She does not seem to be Ida, consort 
of Budh, but rather St. Edburga, of Wales and Scotland, and in 
the far-distant background, SarjLsvatl t the white goddess. 

In old records, Edinburgh, the capital of Scotland, is some- 
called Eityn, and is manifestly the Borough ( Puri ) of 
Etain or Edburga Etain is the White Phantom, in Keltic mvtho- 
lo^yt and in one of her incarnations, she is the consort of Eochu. 
A Maiden clothed in Red, the colour of Kartikeya, or sometimes 
in Blue and White, the Pictish colours of Scotland, appears 
with a Doe beside her, in the coat~of~arrns of that city. Etain, 
Edburga, Morrigu ( sister of King Arthur ) and Ida and Meriga 
of Switzerland are evidently the same character as Modwen, 

1 Contes et Legendes, de la &uiss& Heroique. 

* See Max Mueller and the Rgveda, Mandala I. f Hymn, 165, Verse 5. 
*** . 

The Symbolic Deer 

St. Modwen and 8t. Etain are honoured on the same day, the 
fifth of July, in the Christian Calendar. Morrigu is the wife 
of the Dagda, ( Agni, or one of the Agni-dagdhas connected with 
him. The Dagda is the Keltic god of Fire. Tha names of 
Morrigu and Meriga suggest that of the Indian Mrlgi, " Mother 
of all the Deer *\ Morrigu is Morgan le Fay, and was probably 
the tribal goddess of the Clan Morgan mentioned in the Book 
of Deer. 

St. Nicholas is Patron Saint of a church at Sevenoaks, in Kent 
and of St. Nichclas~at-Wade-wi f h-Sarre, in the same county* The 
Oak is the sacred Tree of the Druids, and this sainfc is also patron 
of Abbots Bromley, in Staffordshire the parish of which includes 
Bagots Bromley, famed for its Oak-trees. St. Modwan presided 
over the Benedictine Abbey of Burton to which the church of 
St. Nicholas belonged, and thus, in earlier times it would seem 
that Eochu and his consort Etain were the principle allegorical 
characters of this neighbourhood. The Horn Danee, old beyond 
remembrance, takes place annually in Abbots Bromley, and the 
Reindeer Horns are given out fromj the church by the Vicar on 
this occasion. 

Near to Abbots Bromley 1 and the site of Burton Abbey is 
Bentilee or Benetl&yhursL These names suggest that there was a 
sacred Field dedicated to Beneto* Benedict here. In pre-Christian 
form, St. Benedict may have been Finn or Bind, allegorical 
Hunter of the Gael, corresponding to Bibhandaka, an anchorite 
who lived in a great forest. Finn, of the Kelts, is the father of 
Ossian ( Roscrana ) who seems to be the Keltic counterpart of 
Rsyasrnga, son of Bibhandaka. The mother of Ossian was a 
mythical Doe, and Rsyasrhga was " born of a Hind*'. I}*yair&Qa 
was born with a congenital Horn on his forehead, and is 
the Unicorn ( fTarayana ), aud, probably, so was Ossian, Finn 
or Bind may have become SL Benedict, This saint, Father of the 
Monastic Orders, is said to have been born in TTrnbria, Italy. 
Monasticism, of course, was in existence centuries before the 
Christian Era. The inhabitants of Umbria ars of Keltic descent, 
and are quite different to their neighbours- They adhere to many 

1 See Abbots Bromley, by Maroia Bice. 

* Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

of their old religious customs, notably the ceremony at Gubbio, 
near Ancona. 

St. Benedict led the life of a hermit, so did Mbhaygaka. Accord- 
ing fco legend, St. Benedict established Twelve monasteries; 
Twelve is the sacred number of Visnu, and the son of BibhSn. 
daka is Narayana ( Visnu X 

The Swiss town of Sarnen possesses a coat-of-arms in which 
are a pair of Stags 9 Horns in Silver ( White ). The White Book of 
Sarnen is an old chronicle dating from the twelfth century, but 
much of its contents may have appeared in earlier versions, not 
at present extant, or may have been handed down by oral tradi- 
tion. The Mother church of Sarnen is dedicated to St. Peter 
who, in Western Europe certainly has a Keltic origin and emer- 
ges from Ped$r or Peredur, the Indian PururavaTy. In the coat-of 
-arms referred to above there is also a Six-pointed Star. This 
symbol was a Hindu emblem before it became Judaic, because 
the religion of the Aryas preceded that of the Jews. One 
Triangle laid over another, in reverse order, produces a Six- 
pointed Star and, according to Hindu allegory, the Triangles in 
these respective positions represent the Masculine and Feminine 
elements of Creation. Peredur ( Pururavah ), the son * of Lugh 
( Budh ) and II a or Arionrhod ( Ha ) are the Parents of Creation. 
Peredur is the grandson of Ethne ( Tara, the Slue SarsvatI ); ] 
and Pururavat. is the grandson of Tara t one of the Manifestations 
of the Mother Goddess. Apparently, in Keltic spheres, Tara is 
the daugbter of Bran or Vran ; Tara of India, in one of her incar- 
nations, is the daughter of Varu^a ( the Ocean ), who is one of 
the Twelve Adityas or Shining Ones. 

The termination " mas " as a Sanskrit syllable or word shows 

the liaison between some of the mythic figures of Druidic times 

and of India. For example, Candramas is the Feast of Can, 

Moon-god of the Kelts ( Can or Candra ) ; Georgemas is tie 

festival of George or Gwargt ( Garga ) ; Peder or Peredur 

( Pururavali ) was honoured at Petermas, Lugh ( Budh ) at Lammas 

or Lughnasad, the name Lammas being converted by the 

Anglo-Saxons, at a much later period, into Hlafmaesse. The 

1 See The Destruction of Da Derga's Hostel. 

The Symbolic Deer 

Feast of Micheil ( Mahakala ), of the pre-Christian Kelts, was 
Michaelmas, at which season St. Michael is now revered. The 
Feast of Andrew, Ander or Adr (Narada) was observed at 

It is written of St. Serf in the Book of Saints l that " the 
traditions concerning him are verj vague and contradictory. " 
In Ancient Church Dedications in Scotland, the author describes 
him as " a most perplexing hagiological figure. To make him 
fit in to our early ecclesiastical history we have to postulate 
fche existence of two saints of that name 1 " But why try to fit 
him in where he does not belong ? This saint is the spiritual 
Father of Kentigern. It is probable that Serf. ( Of, French, 
Cerf = Stag ), who received the infant Kentigern from his 
Mother Themis (the Cosmic Waters) was, himself, the emblematic 
Stag of Kentigern- In 1513, 8t. Serfs HiU t in the parish of 
Abercorn, on the south side of the Forth, near Edinburgh, is 
referred to in the Dundas Deeds as Sant Sarffis Law ( the Hill of 
St. Serf ). There are Antelope supporters to the heraldic arms of 
the Duchy of Abercorn. 

It may be noticed that the " I " in *' Saint ", as in " Sair " and 
" Etain 7? , is an innovation, also the second ** A ? * in "Saar", 
Sargans and Baarbrucke are in the Canton of St. (3-aIIen. Soar 
( a name sometimes given to the mother of Ossian ), Sarre, Sarin 
(the name of a river in Switzerland ) and Sarnen t Sair and S&rf 
are obviously derived from Bar, a contraction of the Sanskrit 
word Saranga ( Deer ). The various Deer Forests of ancient 
times in the West, such as that on Pen Arthur* near St> Davitf, 
South Wales, ate reflections of the renowned Deer forest of 
Sarnath, near the holy city of Benares, in India, 

The name Etain is manifestly derived from the Sanskrit word 
Eta or Etan, meaning " Deer " and many place-names beglxm* 
ing with the syllable Et appear to be associated with tbe Desr 
goddess Etan. Ettenheim* in the Black Forest, is said to hart 
been founded by Etto. According to tradition, the abbey was 
built by Scottish monks and dedicated to St. Landolinus, a 
Scottish saint. The Staff which was placed OB the spot where 

By the Benedictine Monks of Ramsgate. 

220 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the abbey was to be built, threw out green sprouts, and grew 
into an Oak-tree. * Ettesberg, the Mountain of Ette or Et.ain is 
in the Canton of St. Galien, Switzerland. 

The father of Eochu is Breas or Bress, Priest-king at Tara, in 
Eire*? the father of Hercules is Jupiter ; Kartikeya's father is 
Brhaspati ( Jupiter ), a form of the Fire spirit Agni. Brhaspati 
( Brhas = Fire ; Pali = Lord ) is Preceptor to the gods. " His 
genius and learning were profound, and he had a great reputa- 
tion as a Counsellor. 

The Book of Deer probably recedes backwards into the mists 
of antiquity. In this ancient tome there is mention of Bede, 
the Pict. Bede or Seda may have emanated from the Sanskrit 
Beda or Veda ( knowledge ). Lossio Veda is inscribed on a 
tablet found at Colchester, Essex. This personage describes 
himself as a Caledonian Pict As Veda is a character in the 
Mahabharata y Bede, of the Book of Deer, has a name well suited 
to become that of the learned figure who appears in Christian 
form as the Venerable Bede 1 

EL Kenneth, as Abbot of Kilkenny, ( the Shrine of Kenneth ) 
in Ireland, is honoured on the eleventh of October, the season 
of u the greatest of Full Moons ". He is Kian, Cainnech or 
Can, Moon-god of the Kelts. Cainnech is mentioned in the 
Preface to the Book of Dter as Chief of the Clan Canon* The Keltic 
Can corresponds to Chan of the Mayas of Central America, and 
to Can or Candra, the Moon god of Hindu India. Lugh 
( Mercury ) is the son of Can ; Votan, of the Mayas, is '* of the 
line of Chan *' and Budh or Vudhan ( Mercury ) is the son of 
Soma ( Can ) of India, 

The name of the Abbey of Deer is not supposed to bear any 
relationship to the animal of that name, but never the less, there 
is much to suggest that the allegorical Lee* was actually associa- 
ted with this ecclesiastical establishment, and with the famous 
pre-Christian Keltic monastery which wa6 situated within two 
miles of the si be of the future abbey. There are Pictish and 
Druidic remains in the parish of Old Deer. The abbey stood 
above the River Ugie. The name Ugie is probably derived from a 

* Z>o Benediktintr = Kloster JSttenheimmunster, by Ludwig Heizmann, 

The Symbolic Deer 

feminine variant of Ugta. who is Siva, in the form of Vgy U W h 
rides an Antelope or Indian Buck, a species of Deer Vayu i s 
Mr, one of the Five Elements, and thus merges into Siva the 
Container of all Five. As the vehicle of Vayu, the Antelope 
represents tha Swiftness of Winds. 

On the oldest piece of ground in Peterhead, Aberdeenshire 
is the church of St. Peter. In 1560, Peterhead was only a small 
village, and the land on which it stood belonged to the 
Abbey of Deer. Peterugie is a parish containing a town of the 
same name, and the Ugie forms part of the boundary of this 

^ The founder and first abbot of Deer was Drostan ( St, Dunstan). 
His original name seems to have been Dristan. According to 
Professor Watson, Trostan is "a distinctly Pictish name". 
Dristan or Trostan became Sir Trystan of Arthurian legend. In 
fte earliest versions of Tristan and Isolde, Tristan is associated 
with a White Deer. Professor Golther gives a list of variants of 
the Tristan legend which he gathered* from widely different 
sources. He traces it to India. l There can be very little doubt 
bufc that Dristan or Drust-agni is Dhrstadyumna of India. 
Dristan is the son of Alisaunder ( St. Alexander ) of the Kelts, and 
Dhrstadyumna is the son of Skanda of India, Field-marshal to 
the Army of the gods. Sir Trystram is one of " the crowned and 
laurelled warriors of the Island of Britain ". He was a Warrior- 
Priest ! 8t. Alexander is described by Mackinlay as " a shadowy 
figure *'. St. Alexander's mil and Well in Stirlingshire point to a 
pre-Christian origin. Mackinlay classes Alexander among 
obscure saints. Skanda is a form of Kartikeya who, in the form 
of Mangala is the planet Mars. 

The most ancient church in Stirling is that of the Holy Rude. 
The Cross or Holy Rood is closely connected with the sacred 
Deer. The Cross represents both Death and Life, and is a flowering 
Staff. The arms of the Canongate, now included in Edinburgh, 
consist of a Stag's Head with a Cross between the Horns. The 
Stag is the emblem of St. Giles, Patron Saint of Edinburgh, 
according to the present civic division of this city. Si Giles 

1 Die Sage von Tristan und Isolde, p. 13. 
10 [ Aanals, B, O. B. L ] 

222 Annals of the BhandarJtar Oriental Research Institute 

may be one with St. Gal or St. Gallen* who is sometimes depicted 
in art clad in the black habit of a Benedictine monk. 

Apparently, David L, of Scotland, was one of " the sainted 
king Davids ". On one occasion when he went hunting " near 
the present site of Holyrood, one Boodmas Day " his horse took 
fright at a Stag which suddenly made its appearance, and the 
horse ran away, separating David from his companions, where- 
upon he found himself alone, as in many similar tales. The Stag 
had come on a definite mission, although it is said to have 
gored the king with its antlers. A Well came into being 
on the spot where this adventure took place and Holyrood Abbey 
was built over it. David, otherwise Devi Sant of Dewisland, 
South Wales, was evidently a Warrior-Priest. According to 
Professor Loth, " St. David's Life is certainly one of the most 
legendary we have." Sanddhe ( Saqdillya ) appears to be father 
of Hu ( Hutasana), not of David, and his vision might equally 
2-pply to Hu, also connected with the sacred Deer which enters 
into this vision. Hutasana of India is the son of andiliya. Hsus, 
god of the Oak, may be the forbear of David ; Esus is equated 
with Hu, and may be compared to Jesse> ancestor of fche Judaic 
David. They may have sprung from the same source, although 
coming from a different direction. Esus is god of the sacred 
Tree and Jesse is the Tree of Life. Hu and Tristan, originating 
respectively from Hutasana and Drstadyumna, are both equa- 
tions of Esus, and, at their source, they are parts of Agni, the 
allegorical High Priest who impersonates the generic Tree of 
Hindu India. 

The emblem of St. Hubert is a Stag, between the Horns of 
which is a Cross. Apparently, he is the Christian form of Hu, 
the Mighty, Hu or Huan probably reached Britain from America 
where he was known as Hurakan* god of the Winds, The English 
word "Hurricane" is derived from this deity. Hutasana may have 
been brought by the Toltecs, the earliest settlers in Mexico 
( with such a wonderful civilization ), from India to America, 
there to become Hurakan, the Wind-god. The Mixtecs of South- 
west Mexico had a Deer cult. There were sacred Deer in Nica- 
ragua and Guatemala, and in California they are held to be the 
abode of deceased ancestors. Among the Cherckees of North 

The Symbolic Deer 223 

America the Deer is prominent " in myth, folklore and cere- 
monial. " l 

St. JBr&ndan, as Bran or Fran of the pre-Christian Kelts, is 
^pie-faced, suggesting that he originates from Varuna 9 of 
Siva's family, who has the same characteristics, and sometimes 
has a Deer as his vehicle. Three is the priestly number of Agni 
Vmn is the Keeper of the Holy Grail with the same significance 
as the Cosmic Ocean, of which Varuria is Guardian. 

The British Coronation service appears to be the oldest cere- 
mony in the world extant at the prssent time, and originally to 
have been designed for the consecration of a Priest-King. The 
most ancient and solemn part of the rifcual is the Sacrlng or 
Hallowing, and affords evidence of the priestly aspect West- 
minster Abbey, where it is usually held, is dedicated to St. Peter. 
It is thought that the Abbey may stand on the site of a temple 
to Apollo, although this is quite possible, it is also possible that 
long before the Romans set foot in England there was a temple 
to Peder on this spot. Pururavas of India, the original of Peder* 
is a Sun-god, and is thus contained in BrahmS, the Creator, 
Sun and First Person of the Hindu trinity, which is entirely 
allegorical. Temples dedicated to Brahma must have a door on 
all four sides, the Four Doors of the Sky ; and this may explain 
the mystery ( as it seems to be at present) of the visit by the 
King to the Four Corners of the Theatre in the Abbey, during 
the Coronation service for British Kings, 

In India, the Paurava line was descended from Purvravas, and 
the founder was King Dusmanta " gifted with great energy. 
And he was the protector of the earth bounded by the four seas. 
And that king had full sway over the four quarters of the world. 
And he was the lord also of various regions in the midst of fcfce 

sea. " 

Thus it would seem that Peder (Pururavas) was the first 
ethereal being to receive homage on this sacred J Md * 
Westminster, beside the holy waters of the Thames ( T****>' 
a river allegorically represented by Themis, the mother of 
Kentigern, whose emblem was a Stag 1 ____^^^~~~~ ~~ ~ ~~ 

i See Annua! Report, Bureau of American Ethnology, *t L, P. * 



On the 10th of November, 1941, Mahamahopadhyaya Dr. Sir 
Ganganath Jha passed away, and on the second death- 
anniversary there was ushered into existence by the pupils, 
friends, and admirers of that great Pandit and Philosopher, 
the " Ganganatha Jha Research Institute " at Allahabad to 
carry on the great life-work of the savant ; and as the first fruit 
of the Institute there was published, on the same day, a Journal 
of the Institute, to which we sincerely wish a long and fruitful 
career. No memorial of the Mahamahopadhyaya could have 
been apter ; and as the writer of these lines was privileged, 
twenty-five years ago, to play a part in the founding of a 
Research Institute named after another eminent Orientalist Sir 
B. G. Bhandarkar he may be permitted here to recall a casual 
conversation that he had with Dr. Ganganath regarding the 
essentials of a " Research " Institute. This was in 1919, on the 
occasion of the First All-India Oriental Conference held in 
Poona under the auspices of the B, O. R. Institute. 

The first requisite of a " Research " Institute, Dr. Jha said, 
has to be a first-class library of books and Mss. As regards the 
former, both the B. O, R. and the G. J. R. Institutes seem to be 
equally well-favoured, as both have acquired the splendid 
collection of books belonging to the scholars after whom they 
are named. * It is, however, necessary to keep the library 

1 The writer has to do here the painful duty of recording that the library 
which Sir B. G. Bhandarkar actually donated to the B. O. B. I. by stamping 
his own autograph on the individual volumes, has not, after his death, come 
to the Institute in tact. One important lacuna the Petersburg Lexicon- 
was subsequently recovered; but other lacunae remain. For instance, it is 
unthinkable that Dr. Bhandarkar did not possess in his private library a 
single edition of the Sakuntala : none however has come to the Institute. 
It is no use guessing as to the fate of the missing volumes they are between 
3 to 5 hundred ! Few however know the facts : the writer may be almost the 
last, and he avails himself of the present opportunity, as it is necessary 
that there be a recorded expression of the los* somewhere. Will the 
volumes be ever restored ? 

Miscellanea 225 

up-to-date by annual purchases for wMch an endowment fund 
was suggested. As to the Mss. library, Dr. Jha said that it may 
not be very difficult to get Mss. from private owners, once a 
sense of confidence is generated amongst the public. But random 
collections to swell the number are worse than useless. We 
must have the eye and the acumen of our friend here 'meaning 
the late Maharnahopadhyaya Kuppuswami Sastri, who wag 
present during the conversation to run the quarry home. 

The second requisite was declared to be a band of research- 
students working under the guidance of experts in several fields. 
As the Ganganafcli Jha Institute is working in close association 
with fche Allahabad University, it is likely to prove more 
fruitful in this matter than has been the case with the B, (X E, 
Institute, which has appointed its first " Research Fellow " after 
25 years of work without any ear-marked scholarship or 
fellowship. The word of caution was at the same time uttered 
that Orientalia is such a vast field that specialisation has to be 
early resorted to : T ft ^ : ^nl srwrfir, 5TT5 $i*fa'm 3T i 

The third requisite was publications, including a Journal ; 
and as to this, Dr. Jha sincerely congratulated the B. C. E. 
Institute for having been entrusted with the administration of 
the Publication Grant for the Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit 
Series. This was a stroke of good fortune: ifc was tantamount to a 
permanent endowment of more than 2| lacs. It is good that 
the organisers of the G. J. R. Institute have set up this as ft 
definite ideal before them. As an elder sisfeer who has experien- 
ced both the shady and the sunny sides of things, the caution 
may be uttered that the younger Institute should think twice 
before undertaking, in a moment of sudden inspiration, any 
extensive work involving large liability, like the B. O. R. Insti- 
tute's critical edition of the Mahabharata, which is hanging Terj 
heavy upon it all these twenty-five years. 

Finally, Dr. Ganganath laid particular emphasis upon the 
necessity of every worker placing early before him some definite 
life-objective to which he should resolve to dedicate all his time 
and energy. " My own ambition has been to translate the 
standard philosophical and other treatises, I have don mueJ* 

226 Annals of the Shandarkat Oriental Research Institute 

in that line * more yet remains. 1 I have been dubbed as the mere 
translator ; I do not mind. When I find a passage particularly 
difficult, I begin to translate it. My knowledge gains in preci- 
sion as I advance, and by the time I finish it, I find that my diffi- 
culty also has disappeared. " 

The Ganganath Jha Research Institute has, in the nam< of 
the scholar after whom it is named, one of the noblest ideals of 
patient, fruitful scholarship to inspire and guide it in its work 
in the incoming years. The Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute extends to it its cordial welcome, and promises its whole- 
hearted cooperation in its undertakings. India is a vast country, 
and Orientalia is a vast and limitless field which can give ample 
pabulum for half a dozen " Research " Institutions. "Krta-kasita" 
is an insiduous disease that is likely to make early depredation; 
but so long as there is enough work ahead, and willing hearts to 
carry it on, fired by Ganganath Jha's spirit and example, the 
future for the Institute should be well-nigh assured. 

18-1-1944 S. K. Belvalkar 

1 This was said 25 years ago. Since then Jha has translated so many 
important texts that he may be said to have amply fulfilled his life's 



K. Madhava Krishna Sarma, 
Curator, Anup Sanskrit Library 

( 1 ) The Rajaprasntyariatyapadabhanjika of Padmasundara 
The Anup Sanskrit Library has one of the best collections of 
Mss of Jaina literature and is sure to fill in many a gap in our 
knowledge of some important Jaina authors. One such author 
is Padmasundara. Aufreohfc does not mention Mm in his Cata- 
logus Catalogorum. He was a contemporary and protege" of 
Akbar. In his History of Classical Sanskrit Literature, p. 294, 
Krishnamachariar mentions only two of his works, namely the 
Bayamallabhyudaya and the ParsvanathakSvya. A third and 
interesting work of his, namely *Akbarsahisrngaradarpana was 
discovered by me in the Anup Sanskrit Library some time ago 
and a notice of this is in the course of publication in the 
Karnataka Historical Review, Dharwar. A little later I found 
in the same Library a fourth work of Padmasundara. It is called 
Pramanasundara. As the title indicates, it deals with the valid 
means of knowledge. This work proves that the author was not 
only a poet but also a first rate philosopher. My note on this in 
in the course of publication in the Jaina Antiquary. I have now 
found yet another work of this author, namely RajapraanJya- 
natyapadabhanjika. It is a running commentary on the Jaina 
work Rajaprasnlya, and as the title indicates, explains some diffi- 
cult words of the text which have been omitted by a previous 

commentator. .. , , ., , a _ a .. 

The Ms contains only two folia of 11W*SW with 52 Unw 
of 60 letters each. The last page is blank. The script is Peva- 
nagari. It is about 300 years old and injured. The gloss IB 
complete. The present number of this in the Library is W& __ 

* I have now eeited this as No. 1 in the Ganga Oriental Tin 
Note is also now published in the J. Antiquary. 

228 Annals of the Bhandarkaf Oriental Research Institute 
It beginsi- 


: u 
: n 

( 2 ) Jahangiravinodaratnakara of Raya Paramananda 

This is an astronomical treatise ( a Karana ) by Raya Parama- 
nandaraya, son of Vasudeva. He was a protege of Jahangir. The 
work is not noticed by Aufrecht. The author says that he wrote 
it at the instance of Itbar Khan. 

There are 8 leaves of 10^ x 5 J4* with 10 lines per page and 
40 letters per line. The script is Devanagarl. The Ms is nearly 
300 years old, Ifc was procured in the time of Maharaja Anup- 
singhji whose name is written at the end. It is in good order, 
being numbered 4484 in the Library. 

n ? u 

qf ^ f It^l HTn *i I &> I 



n R u 

* IK ^ II 


rcl f rl I 


( 3 ) The Hanurnangarh Fort inscription 

This inscription on a stone of 24"x24" in Persian script and 
language is found in the Anup Sanskrit Library. It says fc&at 
the fort was built by Raya Manohararaya in Hijra 1009 during 
the reign of Jahangir. Hanurnangarh is in Bifcaner State, 

tl ^ n 


U H It 

f H^PT % f^ t 

( 4 ) Bhiiravabhattopadhyaya'a Kannafct 

on the Itgvddasarvanukrarriani 

As attested by the names of scribes and owners, a larg part 

of the collection in tbe Anup Sanskrit Library wa* bwught by 

Maharaja Anup Singhji from Seccan which ww P*n ^r 

greater Karnataka, The find of a Kannada commaiHwy on tb* 

U [ Annala, B. O. R. I, J 

230 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Rgvedasarvanukramanl in a Library of Upper India need, the 
fore, occasion no surprise, 

The Ms of this consists of 36 folia of 8" x 4" with 10 lines in a 
page and 20 letters in a line. It is in Devanagarl script and 
nearly 300 yearu old. The condition is fairly good. On the 
obverse of the first folio there is wrongly written * 

The text is here called Paribhasa also. The commentator 
Bhairavabhattopadhyaya was the son of Devana of Harltakula, 
The commentary begins with a few defective Sanskrit versag, 
It is a mere paraphrase. 

II? 11 




Nara^anrao Babasaheb Ghorpade, Ichalkaranji, 
There has appeared in the Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental 
Institute, Silver Jubilee Volume, January 1943, an interesting 
article by Mr. Powar on the employment of the term * Johar *. 
Thus one more popular belief, viz. that the use of the term Mohar* 
has been superseded by Ram-Ram, at the command of Shivaji at 
the instance of Saint Ramdas, is exploded. Some time ago, the 
belief that the colour of the standard of Shivaji the Great was 
adopted because of the red-ochre colour of his Guru's garments, 
was shown to be incorrect. 

The custom of using the word * Johar ' by the depressed 
classes has continued into recent times, and I invite attention to 
the fact that Ekanath and other ancient Maratba poets have 
written a number of poems recited in Kathas and Kfrtana, 
beginning with the phrase ' Johar ji Mayabapa ; < **flH3rfl l 

a term of salutation used by these low-caste village servants, 
when admonishing, in their simple language, the big-wigs of fcha 
village, and delivering them a spiritual sermon couched In 
allegorical terms. These abhangas, also throw a flood of ligbt 
on the customs, manners and usages of the village people in 
Maharashtra some three or four hundred years ago. ET^B ai 
that time, it can be established, that the village Maharas iiftfcd 
this form and therefore it would seem that although the* term 
Johar ? fell into disuse and was superseded by the more fa&Mon~ 
ble phrase * Ram-Ram \ the more conservative and the lowly 
village folk, still retained the old phrase. It may also be noted 
that in bidding his last adieu, the Shudra Sainfe Tukaram 
the term 'Ram-Ram* in his well-known verse * Amhl 
amuchya gava, amucha Ram-Ram gbyawa 7 *&tt*$ WK 
*mrr i ^rff^r TUTTW wrsnr. It would seem fair to say tiarafor* tk&t 
even then Eiigher castes generally employed the term *Bam-Eam 
while * Johar ' was current amongst the low castes. 

In Northern India, the Rajputs and certain of the bigfcer 
classes use the term * Jaya Ramjiki ' 3T*r TmsMJ- \ white tb 
Vaishy as and the trading element generally prefer the phrase 
1 Jaya Gopal ' c *W tfma ', as a mode of salutation. It is, I 
imagine, doubtful whether the word * Johar ' was discarded in 
the Deccan as a result of a decree issued by Shivaii t the la- 
stance of the Saint Ramdas, whose tutelary deity wa Ram, bat 

232 Annals of the Bhaadarkar Oriental Research Institute 

it is by no means unlikely that in Maharashtra, the impulse 
to the change in fashion gained weight in Shivaji's time, and 
that the very high respect in which Ram das was held, perhaps 
originated or at least stimulated the process of the change. The 
present vogue of saying is ' Namaste ' * TflRa* ' or 'Jayadeo* 
Other familiar words of greeting are ' Kase Kaya* 
* or * How do you do ? 'or How are you ? \ probably 
borrowed from the English practice. So also when going on pili- 
grimages in the Deccan, the present mode is to utter the name of 

* Janba Tukaram or Pundalik varda Hari Vithal ? 'STRSTT g^rwn 

3T3[T fr T%g3T ,. But the older style was * Ohangbhala ' 
and it is still used during pilgrimages to older 
Matatha gods. This term was, I believe, in universal vogue 
before the Pandharpur cult took a firm hold on the people 4 during 
the Maratha revival period. So also the custom of using 
*Belbhandara ' '%$*>S^"rTr ' for the purpose of a solemn oath has 
been out of date and the Ganges water or the Book of the Gits 
ias taken its place. But such changes get an impetus at some 
stage in the history of a country and come to stay and thus 

* Johar ' is being relegated to the Limbo of forgotten things. 

To sum up, the word ' Johar * was used by respectable classes 
in Hindu Society at the time of JfLanesvara- 1 It gradually fell 
into disuse among them but was retained by the lower classes 
who are more conservative as is evident in Ekanath's songs, 
That the change was gradual is beyond doubt for three centuries 
after JflSnesvara, Tukaram again uses it, 2 Probably he uses it 
there to mean an humbler submission than Ram-Ram. The 
change \ infer, must be gradual and was accentuated by the in* 
fluence of Ramdas who was held in great regard by Shivaji and 
his followers. 

JfianesvarJ Ohap. 2tr, 490 

i ^r^ ^Ttr ^ft n ^ n 
I swt ^i^Tr ^ ^nt II ^ ii 

'Ht I 3TTf fl?ff % ^^fT II -r J| 
Tukaram Gatha Part II, Abhanga 2S05 


G, V. Devasthali, Nasik 

MM. Kane in his monumental work on Dharma-sSstra notices 
the Nirnaya-sara ( NS. ), the Nirnayoddh5ra(N%[ also called the 
Tithi-nirnayoddhara ( TK. ) ] and the Tithi-nirpaya ( T ) as 
three different; works, 1 Of these again the last two he ascribes to 
the same author Raghava-bhatta 2 who according to him is later 
than 1640 A.D. Of these two again the former namely N. or TN 
is according to him later than 1650 A.D, ; 3 while the latter 
namely T. is later than 1640. 4 He also notes that a M& of T, 
is ' copied in Sake 1681 ( 1766 A.D. ) \ Here obviously there in 
some discrepancy between the dates given by the two eraa The 
author of NS. f however, he seems to distinguish from the author 
of N. and T. This NS. and its author, Baghava, he dates later 
than 1612 A. D. and earlier than 1700 A. D. 5 

In the Bhadkainkar Memorial Collection of Mss, ( B, M. 0, ) 
presented by Prof. EL D. Velankar to the University Libr&jry* 
Bombay, there are five Mss. 6 of a^work called the Tithi-nir^sya. 
From the introductory stanzas 7 of this work it is quite clew that 
the name that the author wanted to give to this work is no* T, 
but N. The name TN. and even the nams Tithi-nriBmya-ftirod- 
dhara ( T1ST3 ) can find some justification in the first line of the 

1 See Hist. Dh M I, pp. 574a, 575a and 552b. 

2 See Hist. Dh., I, p. 728a 

3 See Hist. Dh,, I, p. 575a. 

4 See Hist. Dh. I, p. 552b. 

5 See Hiat. Dh., I, pp. 574a and 723a. 

6 B. M. C. 19. 6 ; 3-2 ; 57-12 ; 24-24 ; and 111-4, These I bar* 
in my catalogue ( in press ) under Nos. 1053-57 reipeotirely* 


: ( r* HWW^T* ) 

234 Annals of the Jjhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

second introductory stanza. Thus there is no doubt that T K 
TN"., and TN3. are only different names of one and the same work' 
more popularly called the T. The same can be said aboufc the 
name NS. ; for we do find the words Nirnaya and Sara in the 
stanza referred to above. But fortunately enough we have Ms. 
evidence to show that NS. also is only another name of T. One 
of the Ms3. in the B. M. O. actually designates this work as N& 1 
and on going through the work we find that the work is the same 
as T. 

The NS. noticed by MM, Kane 2 also seems to be identical 
with the work under discussion. For according to his informa- 
tion the author of the NS. ' mentions Rama-kautuka, Madhava, 
Nirnaya-siudhu, and Hemadri, ' But in our Ms., where this 
work is given the name NS. in the colophon, we find that the 
author refers to these very authorities in the introductory 
stanzas. 3 Again referring to the introductory stanzas in the 
other Mss. 4 that we have, we find that they are identical but 
for the substitution of Smrfcyartha-sara for Ramakautu^ca, The 
only other differenca noticeable in the stanzas as we find them 
in these Mss. is that in them we are given the name of the 
author in the second stanza which we do not find in the other 
Ms. 5 But these differences are not enough to justify an attempt 
to show these as two differenent works. 

Now, therefore, we are in a position to say that NS. is only 
another name of N. which is also popularly known as T,, TN., 
TNS., or simply N. If this view be justified it will not do to dis- 
tinguish between the authors of NS. and N. and place one earlier 
than 1700 and the other presumably earlier than 1766 A. D. An 
attempt must, therefore, be made to fix the limits for the date of 

B. M. C. 3-2 described under No. 1054 of my Catalogue. 


See Hist, Dh. I, p. 574a and 728a. 

See note 7 above on p. 233. 

T is bere substituted by 


this Raghava and his work which is thus called by various 

As for the upper limit; there can be no doubt, since our author 
has in no ambiguous terms referred to not only Srnrfcyartha-strat 
HemadrL, Madhava, and Nirnayauirfca, but also to the Nfrnaya- 
sindhu which was composed in 1612 A. D, He has also referred 
to the Smrti-darpana which presumably is later than the Nirnaya 
-sindhu, but which it is not possible to identify. The work nnder 
discussion must, therefore, be later than 1612 A. D. This limit, 
however, can be pulled down by at least several decades for two 
considerations, Firstly our author in the very first stanza 1011s 
us that he looks upon the Nirnaya-sindhu along with others 
with respect. This means that some period must be understood 
as separating our author and his work on the one hand and the 
Nirnaya-sindhu on the other. But more important still is the 
statement which our author has made in the second stanza 1 
There in clear terms he has told us that he is giving out the gist 
of the Ocean of Nirnaya which is only a paraphrase of STiinaya- 
sindhu. If then Raghava is trying to present to the reader only 
a summary of the decisions arrived at in the ITir^aya-sindhu we 
may feel justified in supposing that this latter work, at the time 
of the composition of the work under discussion, had attained a 
high popularity. There would be nothing wrong, therefore, if 
it is said that our author and his work are separated from the 
Nirnaya-sindhu by several decades, or that they must be later 
than the middle of the 17th century A, D* 

The lower limit as stated by MM. Kane in ' the case of the 
author of the NS. is 1700. But it is not clear as to how he arri- 
ves at this date. The limit for the date of the author of the 
other works Is apparently suggested by him to be 1766 A, D. 
But even this is rather ambiguous. For he states that a Ms, 
of the T. is copied in Sake 1681 which he equates with 1766 
A. D. There is, therefore, some uncertainty as to which of 
these is the correct date. But fortunately enough we have In 

is obviously * undertake, to m*k* th* 

decisions of the f%<W%^ easily accessible to his reader*, g^ would tuif 

been better than 

23 6 Annals of the Bhcwdarkai Oriental Research Institute 

the B. M. 0. a Ms. 1 which is dated Saka 1681 ( o. 1759 ) T* 
therefore, the date of copying of a Ms. of the work under 
discussion is 1759 we may reasonably suppose that the work 
itself was composed a few years earlier. The lower limit for 
the date of this work may thus be put down at 1750 approxim&. 

The results of the above discussion may now be stated in 
brief as follows : 

i. Nirnaya-sara, Nirnayoddhara, Tithi-nirnyoddhara, Tithi* 
nirnaya-saroddhara and Tithi-nirnaya are the different names 
of one and the same work and not of different works. 

ii. It is, therefore, impossible to think of one Raghavabhatta 
as the author of the NS. and another one as the author of the 
T. and the 28T. 

III. The limits for the date of Raghavabhatta and his work 
are 1650 and 1750. The former is fixed by our author's reference 
to the Nirnayasindhu and the fact that the work under discu- 
ssion is an attempt to present in brief the results arrived at in 
the Nirnayasindhu ; while the latter is determined on the 
strength of a Ms. in B. M. C. in the University Library, Bombay 
which was copied in the year 1681 of the Saka 

. C. U~* described under No, 1056 in m 7 catalogue. 


K. M. Bedekar 

In A. B. O. B. L ( XXIV pages 99-100 ) Mr, M, V. Kibe has 
produced evidence in support of hio view that the GttS is 
post-Buddhist. The argument is based upon stanzas 32 and 33 
of Chap. IX of the Glta. It is presumed that the papayonayah 
mentioned are the women, Vai^yas, and Sudras, If stanza 32 is 
read properly with stanzas 30 and 31 it would appear that the 
papayonaydh meant are the Suduracaras mentioned in those 
stanzas. A Suduracara should mean one whose physical actions, 
"because of the social status, are dirty or objectionable, but who is 
at heart good, whose acara isdusta or papa but whose mind is 
punya. In the latter half of stanza 30, such a person is consider- 
ed good because he is behaving meritoriously. Such a person, 
a Candala or a Vyadha or the like, if compelled to do dirfcy 
actions as a matter of duty, or for the sake of his subsistence, 
need not necessarily be called bad, if he has a good heart An 
instance would b<$ that of the vyadha in the vyadhasati safowlda* 
Such a person who is papayonibut zpunyatma becomes a dharn$tttn3> 
very soon, and attains bliss, because, says the Lord, his bha&ta 
never perishes. 

The same theme, from stanzas 30 and 31, is carried over to 
stanza 32 and here the Lord says that even the papayowyah who 
place absolute reliance in him, along with women, Va%as and 
Sudras, attain the highest bliss. This should not mean that 
these latter three are papayonayh. Women are specially mentioned 
because they have not, on account of their physical dlwbllltiw, 
the same status in respect of attaining parSgati, as men can 
claim to possess. They are the weaker sex, and cannot therefore 
expose themselves to the same rigours of tap&s as men oan do. 
and can not pass their lives independently and in seclusion 
vivzktadesa-sevitvam. But this does not mean that they ari i pujw- 
yonj*. In company with man, the father, the husband, or the son, 

12 [ Annals, B. O, K. I. ] 

238 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the woman may do tapas and attain jnana, and live the life of 
righteousness. She is weak, but may not be called wicked. 

The vaisya ( panih ) is not also a papayom. His calling which 
he must not forsake ( sve sve karmanydbhiratdh samsiddhim labhate 
narah ) will not help him in doing Tapa or attaining Jlana, but 
even then if he resigns himself wholly to the Lord's will, and 
does his duty assigned to him by the Dharma, he will surely 
attain the highest bliss ( svakarmana tamdbhyarcya siddhim undati 
manavah ). The same may be said of the Sudra. The Eeligion 
which assigns to each Varna an honourable place in the Cosmic 
body of the Virata purusa will not condemn any member of these 
Varnas to the grade of papayoni in the sense in which this word 
is understood at present. This word should mean a person whose 
birth or station in life requires him to do a dirty job, as a physi- 
cal necessity only. Surely the women, Vai&yas, and Sudras 
cannot be included in such a category. 

The note further says that in stanza 33 for the ksatriya a 
necessary qualification is mentioned that ha should be a Bhakta. 
This is wrong. The ordinary 'ksatriya is not mentioned here. The 
mention is of the RajarsL And the qualification of JBhakta need 
not be appropriated to the Esatriya or the Kajarsi ; it should 
also go to the Brahman along with the qualification of puqya. 
It is thus that Punya and the Bhakta, Brahman and Rajarsi, who 
can attain the highest bliss, not the Brahman by birth, as is 
attempted to be suggested in the Note as the view of the Glta, 


G. H. Khare, Curator B. I. S. Mandate, Poona 

In the 1st volume!of the Bharatiya Vldya (pp. 71-72 ) is pub- 
lished a note by Eai Krishnadas, tne well-known ark-critic, 
philonthrophist and the director of the Bharata Kalabhavana, 
Benares, in which he has described the paintings of the so called 
Mir Khusraw with three reproductions of the same: one reclining, 
the other sitting with his legs crossed and the third standing in 
profile. After describing (the paintings, he has raised the question 
as to who this Mir Khusraw could be. My society possesses 
painting of this very person, whosoever may he be, which is pra- 
ctically identical with the above mentioned reclining figure (Sfo.l). 
Unfortunately this painting bears neither any inscription nor 
any other evidence that might have helped us to identify this 
person. But I describe below five paintings and photographs 
most probably of this very person which enhance the difficulty 
in the solution of this question. The details of descriptions are 
based on my notes taken down in my visits to the respective 

( I ) Exhibit No.H 205 from the Delhi Fort Museum is a paint- 
ing in which is depicted a standing person with a eorpulant 
belly and identical with portrait No. 3 of the so called Mir 
Khusraw mentioned above. It bears in Persian characters tfa. 
inscription JU / Jj/ r& 

(II) Photograph No. Cl98/246a from the photo-albums in 
the same museum. In this is portrayed a person reel mng on b 
big belly and indentical withthe ft***., jprodu^o a H al. 
It bears the Persian inacraption J l ^/asweuas* 


inscription *rf if irwns *re'ifsifr%^. 

(Ill) Photograph No.C:L99/246b from the same album, in 
which we find altanding figure with a protruded belly and the 

^*> * {> ^ r "" 

240 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

( IV ) Exhibit No. 14436 from the fine arts section of the 
Indian Museum, Calcutta, which has a standing figure in profile 
with a big belly but without any inscription. It, however, bears 
the museum label Mirza FarrukhfaL 

( V ) Exhibit No. 14142/180 from the same section depicts a 
standing person with a protrudent stomach and bears the Persian 
inscription Jtt ^j/* 

Now the question naturally arises as to who this Farrukhfal 
could be. Mah Chuohuk Bagum, a wife of the * Mughal emperor 
Humayun bore from him a son who was named Farrukhfal and 
against whom Akbar, the great, his step-brother, led an expedi- 
tion. But in two of the five portraits described by me Farrukhfal 
has "been mentioned as the son of Asafkhan which, precludes the 
possibility of his being the son of Humayun also, unless he is 
supposed to bs the Begum's son from her former husband which 
in its turn presupposes that the Begum was married to some 
other noble before she became the wife of Humayun. 

In Ma,athirul-umara are given the lives of four Asafkhans 
viz. ( 1 ) Khwaja * Abdu'l-majld Asafkhan Hirwl, ( 2 ) Khwaja 
Ghiyathu'd-dln ' All Asafkhan Qazwlnl, ( 3 ) Mirza Qawamu'd- 
din J'afar Beg Asafkhan and (4 ) Asafkhan Asafjahl Yarnlnu'd- 
dawla. T But as far as I know, nobody among these four had 
any son bearing the name FarrukhfaL 

Who, therefore, was this Farrukhf al and who that Mir Khusraw 
whose portraits are identical ? Were they related to each other 
in any way ? Why are their portraits identical ? Whom do they 
really represent and how ? 

Vol. I, pp, 77, 90, 107, 151, 



By instituting at the time of its Silver Jubilee, which was 
celebrated in January 1943, a Fellowship for Indological 
Besearcb, the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute has created 
another useful field of activity. The first Silver Jubilee Fellow- 
ship has been awarded to Dr. A. P. Karmarkar for preparing a 
Cultural Index of the Puranas under the supervision of a Board 
consisting of Rao Bahadur Dr. S. K< Belvalkar, Dr. S. M. Katre 
and Dr. R. N. Dandekar. 

It cannot be gainsaid that the Puranas are pre-eminently the 
carriers of cultural traditions of the ancient Indians. The efforts 
of eminent scholars like Kirfel, Pargifeer, Hazra, and otbars 
have clearly indicated the fact that the Puranas, if carefully 
explored, are capable of yielding valuable materials both to the 
archaeologist and to the historian. In fact the PurSnas have 
dealt with topics of varied interest e. g. Religion and Philosophy* 
Polity, Art and Architecture, Astronomy, social and economic 
institutions, and others. 

All the eighteen Puranas and some of the Upa-Puranas are 
already published. Dr. Karmarkar has already started his work 
in this direction. He will certainly have achieved a great thing 
when he goss through all these works and prepares a systematic 
Index containing all the topics of Indian culture. The matter 
may be sifted out in various ways. It is just possible that a 
piece of myth may contain matter on society, geography, or even 
on polity. In fact the story of Savltrl, while indicating the 
custom of tree worship, may also show the unflinching devotion 
which women in ancient India were expected to show towards 
their husbands. The brief sketches of the doings of Blraa or 
Krsna have at the same time given the details regarding matter 
of geographical and political interest. 

It is hoped that the work shall be carried ^on with the utmost 
seal and energy required for carrying out this heavy task. 


by N. Venkataramanyya, M.A., Ph.D., Madras University 
Historical Series No. 17. Pages 216 + vl 1942 

Under the very able general editorship of Professor K. A. 
Nilkanta Sastri, the University of Madras has in recent years 
produced several valuable works, among others, bearing on the 
medieval history of South India. The monograph under notice, 
by Dr. Venkataramanyya (Reader in Indian History and Archaeo- 
logy, University of Madras ), is an invaluable addition to the 
series that already includes solid contributions to the study of 
Hindu and Muslim history of the South, Apart from Source- 
books such as Se well's Historical Inscriptions of 8. India ( 1932) 
and Prof. Sastri 's Foreign Notices of S. India (1939 ), among its 
recent publications are Dr. Venkataramanyya 's Studies in the 
History of the Third Dynasty of Vijayanagar ( 1935 ) and Velugcr 
tuvari Vamsavali (1939). Eeaders of S. Indian history, while 
congratulating Dr. Ramanyya dn his excellent treatment of his 
theme, will also feel thankful to him for the fresh and authentic 
light he has shed on a very critical and momentous period of the 
history of the peninsula. Though the writer's purpose is to 
investigate the circumstances under which the great Hindu 
empire of Vijayanagara came to be established, his material 
covers a wider field including the Daccan. From this point of 
riew the value of the work is considerably augmented. Though 
he has drawn copiously from the Muslim contemporary sources, 
such as Amir Khusrau, BarnI, Xsamy. etc., he has ignored 
neither epigraphic evidence nor the Telugu and Kanuada 
materials. His citation, in the foot-notes, of excerpts from the 
original texts in their respective languages is very much to be 
appreciated for the convenience it affords for immediate veri- 
fication, The treatment is both rigorously scientific and ^ matter- 
of-fact, in keeping with the principles enunciated by the general 
editor whose Historical Method in Relation to Problems of S. Indian 
History was reviewed in the last number of the Annals. 

Reviews 243 

The book is divided into eight chapters successively dealing 
with the four Hindu Kingdoms ( Sennas, Kakatlyas, Hoysalas, 
and Pandyas ), the Khaljis, the Tughlags, their Administrative 
Arrangements, the movements for Liberation, and the New 
Kingdoms ( Hindu and Muslim ). The work has a good Index, 
but neither a Map nor a'Bibliography. These latter appertainances 
should be considered indispensable in works of this character. 
The conclusions drawn by Dr. Eamanyya are sober and 
suggestive though there may be room for differences of opinion. 

8. R. Sharma 

INDOLOGY, Vol. II for 1939. edited, by Brag A. 
Fernandes, Bombay Historical Society, Bombay, 1941 
Price Us. 5 

The Editor has spared no pains in bringing out this interest- 
ing volume which deals with all the aspects of Indian History 
and Indology. Especially the brief notes, that are added below the 
main article or work, are of immense importance. As the editor 
expresses his desire, all the Institutions devoted to Oriental 
Studies, learned societies, authors and publishers shall supply him 
with their publications, so that it would be possible for him to 

brine: out more urr-to-date volumes in future. 

A. P. JL 

English ) by Shankar Rau, It A, Sri Venkate^vara Ornate! 
Series, No. 3. Madras, 1941. Pp. viii + 88. Price OL 3 or 
4s. 6d. 

Having been drawn from works dealing with all ******* 
of Indian Philosophy, the glossary will be found n0efl 
those who are interested in the field of Indian Philosophy. 

A. P. K. 

244 Annals of the Bhandatkar Oriental Research Institute 

]STATHA, edited and translated ? by Dr. K. C. Varada- 
chari, M.A., Ph.D., and D. T. Tatacharya, Esq., Siromarii, 
M.O.L., Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Series, No. 5. Tirupati, 
1942. Price Rs. 2 

Venkatanatha (1268-1369 A. D. ) was a lineal descendant of a 
personal disciple of SrJ Ramanuja through his father. Ha was a 
famous follower of the Visiistadvaita school. Among his many 
other excellent productions, is his commentary on the Isavasyc- 
panisad of the Kanva school. The Editors have given an 
excellent introduction, a correct text and translation. 

A, P. K, 


edited by P. Ragluinathachakravarti Bhattacharya, Esq., 

Vaikhanasa Agama and Sahitya Pandit, and Prof. Rama- 

krishna Kavi, MA., Sri Venkatesvara Oriental Series, No. 

6. Tirupati, L943. Pp. xv + 560 + 12. Price Rs. 8 

The Sr! Venkatesvara Oriental Research Institute has been 

doing, among other things, a unique service by publishing the 

rarer and still unpublished manuscripts of Oriental texts. The 

present treatise on samurtarcana according to Vaikhanasa 

conceptions, treats with the subject in six sections, viz., Karsana, 

Pratistha, Puja, Snapana, Utsava and Prayascitta *. The work is 

of immense importance to both the architect and student of 

ancient Indian culture. 

A, R E. 

SRl RAMAHTJJ ACAMPU of Ramanujacarya, with commen- 
tary by Pandit V. Krishnamacharya, edited with 
Introduction by Prof. P. P. Subrahmanya Sastriyar, 
B.A. (Oxon), M. A. (Madras), BharataKalanidhi Vidya- 
sagara Vidyavacaspati. Madras Government Oriental 
Manuscript Series, No. 6. Madras, 1942. Pp. xr + 208. 
Price Rs. 3 

The present work, which is published for the first time, is a 
historical biography of the * great Vedanta teacher Sri Rarnanuja 


(A. D. 1017 to 1137 ) ', Though there are other works like the 
Yatirajavaibhavam, the Yatirajaspati and 'the YatirSjavirosati 
written In connection with the biography of Ramanuja, sfcill, as 
the Editor says it, the Ramanujacampu is * the first great syste- 
matic biography with all historical incidents in their full detail 
in Kavya style in Sanskrit \ Without entering into the other 
details, we may say, that the present work throws a new light on 
the life and doings of the great Acarya. The Editor is to be 
congratulated upon bringing out this most important work, 
which would probably be ransacked by all those scholars who 
are interested in the field of Indian philosophy. 

A. P. K. 

VEDANTA-PARIBH&SA., edited with an English Transla- 
tion by Prof. S, S. Suryanarayana Sastri, M.A., B.Sc. 
( Oxon ), Bar-at-Law, Adyar Library Series No. 34, 
Adyar, 1942. Pp. XL, -f- 218. Price Rs. 2-12 
All students of Indian philosophy in general and scholars In 
particular will find this work, which contains the Sanskrit text, 
introduction, and an accurate English translation and notes, 
to be of immense importance. 

A. P, K, 

by S. C. Roy, M.A. (London), I.E.S. Luzac and Co., 
London, 1941. Pp. XLVIII + 263, Price: paper cover. 
Us. 7-6 ; cloth bound, Rs. 10-6 

* Once more the Bhagavad-Glta % as Dr, Betty Heimann B&J* 
it in the Preface. The aufchor in his * Apology ' asserts that, 
'the present volume is the first attempt at a comprehensive aad 
systematic review of the results of researches on tbe Gtta arid tb 
Epic Mahabharata, made during the last three-quarfcers*0f a ceaiury 
by such competent scholars of the West as Max Miller, Hopkins, 
Barth, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Weber, Holtzmann, Dahlmtma, 

13 [ Annals, B, O. H. I. 3 

246 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Schraeder, Deussen, Garbe, Winternitz, Macnicol and others, 
as well as eminent Indian Scholars like Bhandarkar, Bankim- 
chandra, Telang, Tilak, Subba Rao, Vaidya and others. ' The 
work is divided into three Parts and twelve chapters * Part I 
deals with the theories of interpolation in the Glta ; Part II deals 
with the general relation of the Glta and the Great Epic of 
India ; and Part III gives a survey of the inter-relation between 
the Glta and the Bhagavata religion. 

The Glta has assumed.a unique place in the history of Indian 
literature. This is much more so on account of the fact that it 
forms part of the Prasthana-trayl-with the aid of which alone 
the various Acaryas have enunciated their philosophical tenets. 

In our opinion, the Indus valley discoveries should throw 
light on the problem of the development of Indian philosophy 
also. As the various representations show it, the Indus Valley 
people seem to have been theistic in their philosophical notions. 
The various representations of Siva and his devotees, and all that 
is contained in the inscriptions, indicate the existence and vogue 
of the doctrine of Monotheism. Further, as we have observed ifc 
elsewhere, the Abhlras also were one of the early Dravidian 
tribes, who must have followed this doctrine. 

Immediately after the immigration of the Aryans in India, 
we find that a regular fusion of the races and their culture 
begins to take place. And in our opinion the end of the Upa- 
nisadic period marks the age of the perfect mixing up of these 
races even culturally. By this time the Aryans imbibed and 
assimilated into their own religion all that was best in the 
culture of the Dravidians-and the prefect outcome of which is 
the Glta. The first attempt towards the Brahmanization of the 
theistic doctrine of the Dravidians seems to have been made in 
the vetasvatara Upanisad. The welding together of the various 
elements of She Sankhya and the Yoga, Maya, God as Bhagavat, 
the theistic Rudra and the pantheistic Brahman, is made for 
the first time in the above work". Eventually the author of the 
Glta went one step further and placed before us the logical out- 
come of the philosophical tendency that was in vogue in his 
time. The unique feature of the Glta is that it happens to be 


both a moral code and a handbook of philosophy of the Indians. 
The system of the Caturvarnya, the four Asramas, the S&nkhya 
and the Yoga, the theistic Krsna and the pantheistic Brahmaa, 
the subordination of Rudra and other Gods to Visnu-a deity of 
the Vedic pantheon, and a regular call to follow the JOharma 
preached in his work rather than any-other, all these indicate 
the outcome of a mind which wanted to rise above-above a plane 
already occupied by the best of the Dravidian thinkers in India. 
The Buddhistic and Jain doctrines also must have been a product 
of this age, they perhaps acting as a direct revolt against this 
tendency of the Brahmans. 

Sir R. G. Bhandarkaf has specifically shown the various 
stages of the development of Vaisnavism. And if we just add 
to it the element of the gradual process of the Aryanization of 
the Dravidian doctrine of Monotheism, then the solution of the 
problems regarding the following problems would become 
easier - the theistic and the pantheistic, the relation of the G!t& 
with the Mahabharata, the probable interpolations in the G!t& on 
the ground of the theistic and the pantheistic elements contained 
in it, the place of the GIta in the Bhagavata religion, and the 
inter-relation of the GIta and the Brahma-sutras respectively. 

The author of the present volume has taken a comprehensive 
survey of the work done by the various scholars up-till BOW. 
Especially the portions dealing with the refutation of Garth's 
theory, the Narayanlya section, the relation of the GIta with the 
Brahma-sutras, the GIta and Bhagavatism, and others, are of an 
outstanding interest. One would naturally wait for his proposed 
next publication in th same connection. 

A. P. K. 

K1LIDASA, ASTUDY, by Prof. G. 0. Jhala, M,A,, Padma 
Publications, Bombay, 1943, pp. X78, Price Es. 3-4 

Prof. Ryder has of old already paid a foreigner's tribute 
to the genius of our national poet in his very elegantly written 
book in the Everyman's Series. Prof* Jhala's study is au 
Indian's approach to the poet, breathing the worshipful admira- 
tion in which the poet is universally held by generations of the 
elite in the land of his birth. And the worship we thus offer is 
not mere blind adoration, not mere partisan fervour, but is 
grounded in reason, fortified and reinforced by the judgment o! 
critics and poets of great eminence from East and West. Laborious 
without being laboured, scholarly and well-informed without 
being pedantic, Prof. Jhala's book appeals to the general reader as 
well as to the scholar. The problem of the poet's date is discussed 
at the outset, and the traditional view that the poet lived at 
the court of king Vikrama of the 1st century B. C. is upheld 
against the rival Gupta theory, by demonstrating that there did 
live before the dawn of the Christian era a king of that name des- 
pite the lack of any literary, epigraphic or numismatic evidence, 
West comes an appreciation of his life and character, followed by 
two chapters in which his poems and dramas are critically 
studied. Last of all, the author studies the poet's conception of 
love, which runs as the one unifying motif through all his works. 
It is in this final synthesis of the poet's work that Prof. Jhala 
shows his originality, and the study assumes a purposefulnass 
which lifts it from the mere critical to the creative sphere. 

C. R. Devadhar 

murti, M.A., with a Foreword by ( the Et. Hon'ble M. B, 
Jayakar, M,A.,LL.D.,D.O.C. 5 RO., the Samskrfea Academy 
Madras, 1942, pp. xxii+58, Price Us. 2. 

In his small brochure on " Sculpture inspired by Kali- 
d&sa " Mr. C. Shivaramainurti tries to illumine many a text 
from Kalidasa's works by sketches of sculptured and painted 
figures in many rock-cut temples and caves, and it is astonish- 

Reviews 249 

Ing to find how close is the parallelism between the poetry in 
word and the poetry in stone and pigment. But " it' is perhaps 
a more true theory to hold that the sculptures reproduced in this 
treatise are only instances of an unintentional parallelism rather 
than that they represent a deliberate design to reproduce Eali- 
dasa's ideas in rock and stone. " This furnishes a remarkable 
illustration of the universal truth of the unity of all arts what- 
ever the medium of expression. The author deserves our warm 
congratulations on his opening up a new vista in the field of our 
study of the Classics, which is sure to lead us to a more vivid 
appreciation of their manifold beauty and charm. 

C. R. Devadhar 

Sastri, M.A.., Modern Book Agency, Calcutta, 1943, 
pp. 237 + xxvii, Price Rs. 3 

The merit of Mr. Gaurinath Bhatfcacharya Shastri's hur- 
ried survey " An Introduction to Classical Sanskrit " of the 
entire field of Sanskrit Literature lies in its power to enkindle 
the curiosity of the earnest student of classical literature who 
will find, in the select bibliography on each topic, ample scope 
for enlarging Ms knowledge and getting a firm grip on the parti- 
cular topic which may be of interest to him. The book is neces- 
sarily sketchy as it aims in less than 250 pages at dealing with 
over twenty-two branches of Sanskritic studies, and it may 
perhaps be objected that the title is a misnomer since Ik ^um*s 
that whatever is written in Sanskrit whether Algebra, AstmU*y 
or Astronomy, all the abstruse sciences under the sun, HU 
ture. However, the tradition of Sanskritic studies m favour 
of including all the S9 subjects under classical 
book under review is an excellent guide to a 
that literature. 

Eaghavan, M.A., Ph.D., Adjar Library, Adyar, 1942 
pp. 312, Price Rs. 4 

In " Some Concepts of the Alamkarassastra, " Dr. Raghavan 
has laid under contribution all available Alamkara works-both 
in print and manuscripts, and has traced the^ growth and evolu* 
tion of each concept in a very lucid and convincing manner, 
The treatment is historical, and the various stages in the evolu- 
tion of a concept have been thoroughly investigated and correla- 
ted in the general scheme of Aesthetics. Dr. Raghavan impresses 
us with his easy mastery of the subject, although behind every 
sentence he writes, " one feels the weight of an unseen shelf of 
books. " His study demonstrates how already in the early cen- 
turies of the Christian Era, literary crifcisism in India had evolved 
those universal principles of Aesthetic evaluation which find 
their echo in the laborious attempts of modern European Critics. 
It is a very refreshing and original contribution to the subject, 
and the author's claim that some of the topics form the first 
exhaustive study of them is amply justified. 

C. R. Devadhar 

KAVYAPRAKiSA ITllasa X, by S. S. Sukthankar, M.A., 
Karnatak Puulishing House, Bombay, 1941, pp. rv-f 
244 + 44 + 375, Price Rs. 4-4 

The Kavya-Prakasa of-Mammata, TJllasa X, edited by Prof. 
S. S. Sukathankar together with five Sanskrit commentaries, two 
of which the Sanketa of Rucaka fRuyyaka ) and the Balacitta- 
nuranjanl of Narabari Sarasvatlblrtha are for the first time 
brought to light, is a very valuable edition of that much edited 
text-book. It is accompanied by an Introduction, translation 
and notes, the last of which are very critical and to the point, 
and attempt more to elucidate the view of the author and explain 
Ms standpoint rather than rush Impatiently into an Indiscrimi- 
nate and unhistorical fault-finding in a work whose weight and 
authority have inspired a mass of exegetical literature compara- 
ble to the work which Shakespeare or Milton has inspired in the 

O. R. Devadhar 

KASAGANGA>HARA with the commentary of Nagesa 
Bhatta and commentary named Sarala of Mathuranath 
Sastri, edited by Mm. Pandit Dugaprasad and published 
by Niraya Sagar Press, Bombay, pp, 56 + 715, Price Rs. 4, 

"The Rasagangadhara " published by the Nirnaya Sagara 
Press is a thoroughly revised edition of that text, wherein many 
of the faults of the previous edition have been removed, a new 
commentary is added which, unlike the so-called commentaries, 
really helps to elucidate rather than obscure the difficulties of 
the text. It will prove of very great use to scholars, who have 
hitherto struggled with the text unaided, or with the doubtful 
aid of the very learned but difficult commentary of Nagojibhatta. 

C. R, Devadhar 

SOPHY "by Dr. Helmuth Von Giassenapp, translated 
from the original German by Mr. G. Barry Gifford, and 
revised by the author : Edited by Prof. H. R. Kspaxiia, 
M.A., and published by the Trustees, Bai Vijibai Jivanlal 
Panalal Charity Fund, Bombay, 1942 ; Price Rs. 2/8 

Here we have a very neat and handy treatise on the Doclrin 
of Karman by Dr. Giassenapp, who has' already given an 
exhaustive survey of Jainism ( Der Jainismus ) in Gorman. 
The Law of Karman is one of the cardinal principles OB 
which the Jain metaphysics is based. In fact next to the 
doctrine of Ahirhsa, Jainism lays the greatest stress cm hi* 
doctrine. True, we come across many passages iu Brahmanksl 
Literature where this doctrine is propounded, as e.g. wmw *** 
vto qv i but then they are also contradicted by other* where 
we are told that Fate, or Personal God is all In all Accord- 
ing to Jainism, the Law of Harmon is inezoraWe and know, i no 
exception. Whatever you do, you cannot eseap* the fr 


Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

your KarmaiL But that does not, at the same time mean that 
there is no scope for effort or Free Will. The contact of karman 
particles with the soul is regarded as Anadi, but it can be 
terminated by the soul if it makes effort in the right direction. 

The author has mainly based this treatise on the five Karma- 
graathas, Pancasamgraha, and Karmaprakrti. Tlis is, therefore, 
the first work of its kind, which deals with this subject in such a 
thorough manner. We have a work on ' Karma Philosophy ' m 
English, by Mr. Virchand Gandhi but it does not enter into the 
techincal details. The Jain writers are noted for their fondness 
for division, and thus we get " Karman 7 divided into various 
subdivisions. Naturally, the work becomes less and less interest- 
ing and the author is, therefore, to be congratulated upon his 
patience as well as labour in putting together so neatly such dry 
matter, and particularly upon his pioneer efforts. The trustees 
and the Chairman of the above Charities also deserve our 
warmest thanks t and gratitude for having undertaken the 
publication of such a work in these hard times. Let us hope that 
the enlightened Trustees of the above charities will undertake 
more and more such works, especially a Series of Critical 
Editions of Jain Agamas, on lines similar to the Pali Text 

Tieie have crept in a few ' Germanisms ' in the translation. 
They are, of course, very minor and can be easily understood. 
But one wonders, how they escaped the ^crutiny of the learned 

N. V. Vaidya 

Phadke, published by K. B. Dhavle, Girgaum, Bombay, 
Price Us. 4/- 

The author of this voluminous work has to his credit a 
number of books dealing with the various religious systems and 
movements in India, He has treated them historically and 
examined them from the doctrinal and practical points of view. 
The present work which covers about 900 pages is an exhaustive 
and ' intimate study 7 of the great Deity Hanumanta in * eleven 
forms '. It consists of two parts of which the first describes the 
nature of H&numanta and the second the different ways of 
knowing: his nature. Each of the eleven chapters in which the 
volume is divided contains eleven sections; and they give a de- 
tailed account of eleven Maratis. The number * eleven * has, for 
the author, a mystical significance. He believes that Hanamania 
is an intermediary between Jlva and Siva, and that devotion 
to him helps the Sadhaka in his spiritual life. The author is a 
man of faith and devotion, and he has come in contact with 
men of high spiritual experience. His writings reveal not only 
learning and industry hut also ardent devotion to God, The 
author has spared no pains in collecting material bearing 
directly or indirectly on. his subject from every available source. 
His volume ifl indeed encyclopaedic in character and it will b* 
found indispensable by students of the subject It bristles with 
quotations from the Upanisads and the Bhagavadglta, from th 
writings of the great saints of India, and also from the books of 
many modern writers. Some of these quotations arc in themselves 
beautiful and illuminating and they serve like a beacon ligbt for 
the Sadhaka in his spiritual progress. Religion is not acaumu- 
lation of learning but illumination of spirit. It i* realisation of 
god through proper discipline and Upasana. From that point of 
view the volume may prove useful to many readers. 

This is a short notice of a big volume ; and the writer of this 
notice regrets that he has not found it possible to mtritraUft 
longer and a more critical review which the volume tmdoul*- 
edly deserves. He however hopas that the author's labour will 
be amply rewarded by an adequate response from the readiog 

public of Maharastra. _ 

N. Q- 

14 [ Annals, B. O* B. I. J 

BAND AN AM ( or Criminal Jurisprudence) 
of Kesava Pandifca ( XVIIth century ) edited by V. 8. 
Bendre, Lele's Bungalow, Poona 4, 1943 ( B. I. S. Mandal, 
Poona, Svlya-Granthamala, No. 59 ) pp. 76+64; Size:- 

The editor of the work under review is one of those silent 
but serious students of Indian history and chronology in general 
and of Marafcha history in particular, who have been labouring 
hard during the last quarter of a century not in writing text- 
books on history but in studying the known sources of history 
and at the same time discovering unknown sources and making 
them available to brother-researchers in the field. As many of 
the works published by the present editor are in Marathi they 
are not much known to readers outside Maharastra. T shall, 
therefore, mention a few of them for the information of students 
of history outside Maharastra. Mr. Bendre's Sadhana-Cikitsa 
( Marathi ) is an admirable exposition of the sources of history 
and the manner and method to be followed by a student of 
history in dealing with these sources. His Tankh-i-Ilahi 
( English ) fully explains Emperor Akbar's Divine Era and 
records tables of correspondence* which are very useful for the 
students of the history of the reigns of Akbar and Jehangir. 
The Qutbshahi of Grolcondah ( Marathi-English ) published by Mr. 
Bendre is a scholarly and competent sketch of the history of this 
dynasty, fully illustrating the author's passion for meticulous 
accuracy in recording facts and interpreting them in plain 
unvarnished language. The Rajarcima-Caritam of Kesava 
Pandita edited by Mr, Bendre is an account of Chatrapati 
Rajarama's journey to Jingee recorded in the form of a poem by 
Kesava Pandita, his protege, who is also the author of the 
Dandanitiprakaraya under review. In 1938 Mr. Bendre went to 
England as Bombay Government Research Scholar and after a 
year's stay there he has brought back to India a representative 
collection of microfilms of sources of Indian history and other 
materials bearing on this subject available there. This material 

Reviews 255 

needs to be fully exploited for the benefit of the researchers in 
Indian history after the completion of the present world war. 

For a correct understanding of the dynastic history of a 
period we must have a detailed knowledge of the entire web of 
culture in which kings and potentates struggled for supremacy. 
To the modern readers this web has remained almost invisible 
for want of contemporary evidence sufficient to illuminate its 
broken threads and consequently the so-called history of a period 
is an assorted jumble of antiquarian remains not in situ but 
displayed piece-meal in the shop of the historian, the great 
magician of the modern world, who at times tells absorbing 
stories about these remains on the strength of his constructive 
imagination. These stories may make good reading but owing 
to the ardent desire of the artist to create living persons out of 
some bones, complete or fragmentary we get successive pictures 
of the same period of history. No genuine lover of historical 
research finds satisfaction in these coloured views of history for 
he is thirsting for new facts of history and not after garbled or 
coloured accounts of persons or events based on a grain of truth 
and bushels of imaginative rubbish. 

Objectivity in the presentation of historical material can 
alone advance the cause of historical research and the greater 
the degree of objectivity attained by a scholar in his writings 
the more correct and factual stands his presentation of histonoal 
material. Mr. Bendre has tried to maintain this element of 
objectivity in all Ms writings so far and hence they are very 
useful to the students of historical research. 

Without plenty of sources bearing on a specific problem or 
field of history it is impossible to reconstruct any butorjr 
pertaining to this problem or field. Mr. Bendre h *"*& 
utilised every moment of his leisure in gathering new souro.s 
of history and though not destined to be a *^ *? 
he has given a more satisfactory account of h- own life tten 
many of his Mends more fortunately cir cumsta d W fag 
more leisure and ease for their research wo rt Hi . * ton oftte 
Vantenitiprakaravam of Eesava Pandrta with i s ma^y 
Critical Introduction fully illustrates my remark about Mr 
Bendre's methodical studies, as Mr. Beudre puts feu work its 

256 Annals oj the Shandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

proper historical perspective by giving us all available informa- 
tion about its Mss, its date of composition and an elaborate 
account of the life of the author, his professional activities, Ids 
contact with three royal patrons, Shivaji the Great, and Ms 
sons Sambhaji and Rajararn. Besides this valuable material 
Mr. Bendre paints the back-ground of this author's life by his 
chapter on the MahSrastra of the Sivasahl period in Political 
Economical, Social and Religious aspects, together with other 
allied matter. 

There was a time when the historians ignorant of the sources 
of Maratha history described Shivaji the Great as a mountain rat 
and his son Sambhaji as a mere voluptuary but the reoenfc 
discoveries of literary works like the IZadhamadJiava-Vilasa- 
CampHy the ftivabharata, the Rajavyavaharakosa, the Budhdbhusaw* 
the tfambhurajacarita, the Haihayendracarita, the Rajaramacarita 
and the Dandanitiprakarawam fully illustrate the administrative 
and cultural advance fostered by the great Maratha Kings while 
they busied themselves in intrepid struggles and heroic conquests 
for the establishment of their political and territorial supremacy 
in India. 

In our appreciation of the heroic achievements of Shivaji the 
Great on the battle-field and the brandishing of his Bhavani 
Sword in the hills and dales of the Maharistra against all 
foreign encroachments, we are likely to forget his capacities as a 
rigid though diplomatic administrator illustrated by Kalidasa s 
verse * 

n!33Li<4; \ ". The manual of criminal jurisprudence or 
Dan$anitiprakaranam as also the various decisions given by 
Shivajfs court in religious disputes will, however, convince us 
about his efforts and achievements in the matter of sound 
administration with the help of learned Panditas like Kesava- 
bhata, Gagabhata and others. These efforts fostered in no small 
way the national spirit on the right lines, so necessary for the 
solidarity of his rule, 

According to Mr. Bendre Ke&ava's Nitwiaftjan and his still 
greater work Dharmakalpalata are yet to be discovered. His 
Rajaramacarita was composed in A. D. 1691 while the 

appears to have been composed " sometime 

Reviews 257 

20th July 108O and 18th March 1688. " The life-period of Kesava's 
father Damodara is fixed by Mr. Bendre between A. D, 1590 and 
1664. Keava*s early life and attainments are unknown. His wife's 
name was Annapurna and "she survived him till after 18th March 
1725. " He visited Benares sometime before A, D. 1674 In order 
to secure the sanction of Benares Panditas like GagEbhata to the 
coronation of Shivaji. He was with Rajarama in his journey to 
Jlngee in 1689 A. D. and he stayed in Raj&rama ? s Camp in 
Karnataka till after 12th May 1694. According: to the evidence 
analysed by Mr. Bendre in detail Kesava's death took place 
"sometime between May 3694 and August s 1703. " All this 
chronology enables us to assign Kesava to the period e, A. D. 
3630 and 1700 or so. By his family profession Kesava was 
Rajapurohita or Purohita. This Purohita family of Karbide 
Brahmans of Kauslka Gotra were also practising Upadhytya 
rrtti, as vouched by a nivadapatra of A. D. 1600, Kesrava himself 
is styled as " Upadhyaya " in the &jenav*jniinir$aya arrived at 
Rajapur by an assembly of local and Benares Panditas in A. IX 
1664. These facts show that Kesava had attained a respectable 
status in society by this time and that this status enabled Mm to 
maintain his contact with his three successive royal patrons for 
more than 30 years of the latter part of his life. Such in brief art 
the life and activities of Kesavabhata Purohita, a native of Ptirye 
near Sakharpa in the Sangarneshwar Taluka of the Batnaglri 

In conclusion leb me congratulate Mr. Bendra for his pains- 
taking scholarly edition of the Dan&nitipraJtarannm and also th 
authorities of the Bharata Itihasa Sarhshodhaka Mandala,, Poona, 
for publishing it in their own Series, which has already laid the 
solid foundation of historical research in Maharastra, on which 
younger scholars can walk with a confident step and Dtr|tato 
their mite to the future reconstruction of the edifice of lndi*n 
history on strictly scientific lines. 

THE NAYAKS OF TANJORE, by V. Vriddhagirisan, M.A., 
M. Litt.,L.T., edited by Rao Bahadur Prof. C. S.Srinivasa* 
chariar, M.A., Annamalal University Historical Series 
No. 3, Annamalainagar, 1942, pp. xv ; 1794-44, a map. 

This new work on the Nayaks of Tanjore supplies a much felt 
want in South Indian History. Ever since the publication of a 
source book of Vijayanagar History by Dr. S. Krishnaswamy 
Aiyangar, the world of scholars unacquainted with the South 
Indian languages was looking forward to such studies based OB 
the material pointed out in that source book. This volume fills 
in one gap in the delailed history of South India. Still it cannot 
be taken as a complete history of those times pertaining to 
Tanjore, because the material on which it is mainly based is 
literary and epigraphic, which naturally circumscribes the field 
to certain personal and social topics. In fact, local political 
material of the right type is still a desideratum in South Indian 
history with the result that this history smacks of early aud 
mediaeval times. However, within its own compass it gives all 
the available information culled from those -sources. How far 
poems and plates represent the real condition, of affairs, how far 
the opisions on personalities expressed therein are to be taken as 
correct and how far the superlative tones and superfluous adjecti- 
ves smelling of fulsome eulogy are to be treated as displaying 
the correct degree of virtues, must always form a moot point in 
historiographical procedure. There are poets and poets, some 
writing like the Shiva Bharata of Paramananda a minutely- 
correct contemporary history and others indulging in imagina- 
tive flights having nothing to do with history proper. Where 
there are other possible sources fop checking the truth in these 
literary sources, the truth may be ultimately found out in some 
manner. Otherwise it must bo treated as only a stop-gap of 

It is not possible in this small notice to say much of the 
contents. But Tanjore forms a glorious part of Maratha history, 
in the 17th and 18th centuries. In fact, the small Tanjore 

Reviews 259 

Prinicipality represents the ideals of Shivaji's Maratha State 
better than its original in the Maharashtra country itself. A 
wrong impression of the aims of the Maratha State has been 
formed from its actual working in the 18th century. But what 
the sons of Shahaji intended is correctly represented by the 
Tanjore activities. We are happy to note that Mr, Vriddha- 
girisan has very fairly pointed this out in this study of the 
earlier times. He quotes with approval, " And the change of mle 
from the Nayaks to the Marathas did not, as is usual with alien 
invasions, produce any serious unsettlement in the existing 
social and other conditions of the people of the land. Military 
successes have always meant a full stop, for a temporary period 
at any rate, of all lines of progress, particularly in belles letters, 
art and other non-political activities of the vanquished. This 
was never the case with Tanjore : and the Maratha rulers seem 
to have been greater and more enthusiastic patrons of literature 
and art than their predeccessors. " ( p. 7 ). As expressed in thin 
quotation, Shivaji never intended his Marathas to live as aliens 
in other lands. He wished the Government to live in the tradi- 
tions of its localities never cutting asunder the stream of 
centuries of earlier progress these had achieved, The main 
original ideal of Shivaji's State was nurtured in the best tradi- 
tions of the old Hindu Kingdoms particularly that of Vijaya- 
nagar, a fact we have pointed out in an essay we contributed to 
the " Vijayanagar sex-centenary Commemoration Volume " in 
1936. The state is meant and exists for the fulfilment of the 
ideals of the people. Shivaji's father Shahaji from Bangalore 
and his half-brother Venkoji or Ekoji from Tanjore tried to fulfil 
this role of the state to the best of their ability. For resuscitat- 
ing and continuing the best in the Hindu life the Maralbs State 
had come into existence. Ekoji ended the weak Nayak Rule m 
Tanjore no doubt, but " He restored peace and order and tried to 
make amends for the defect in his title by increasing the material 
welfare of his subjects. Fr. Andre Freire adds { in hi* letter 
dated 1676 ) that < justice anl wisdom of his governmen begin 
to heal the wounds of the preceding reign and dajelop ha 

natural resources of this country.. "<* 5 * .f^"' 

French Governor of Pondicherry, has expressed similar 

260 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

about the lands occupied by Shivaji at that very time, in the 
same area. Marathi Drama began Its career in Tanjore and not- 
be it noted-m Maharashtra, a proof to the cultural superiority of 
the south in those days due to the rich heritage of Vijayanagar 
Rule. Before ending this short review we take the opportunity- 
to point out one small deficiency in the use of original material. 
The author seems to have missed the Dutch Dagh-register in his 
treatment of Shahaji's invasion of Tanjore and his relations 
with Madura. Had he consulted this source, more light would 
have been thrown on the part of Lingam Nayak of Vellore and 
Antaji Pantole, the Diwan of Ambarkhan of Gingee, in the 
South Indian affairs. Finally we strongly recommend this 
volume to the students of Maratha history in particular as it 
will supply a proper back ground to the later Maratha activities 
in that quarter. The general get up of the book, its faultless 
printing, its arrangement, its appendix of inscriptions chrono- 
logically arranged and exhaustive index of 44 pages with a map 
at the end, leaves nothing to be desired in the art of book- 

T. S, S. 

THE SPIRIT OF GlTA by Santokh Singh, B.A., Diwan 
Bahadur, Sikar, Jaipur. 

This is an effort to present the philosophy of the Glta, in a 
systematic form and the learned author has it to his credit that 
his effort has been successful. The 'Foreword' contains a long list 
of the different works connected with the Glta, and a glance at 
this last would show that the list is exhaustive and includes 
both the ancient aoaryas and modern thinkers. 

The actual thesis is divided into ten chapters and the system 
is well elaborated under appropriate headings. The first chapter 
*' Dbarmaksetra ' ' gives, in brief, the story of the quarrel 
between Pandava and Kaurava brothers, which is * the back 
ground of Bhagavadglta, ' according to the author. The next 
chapter reveals to us Lord Krsna, the supreme God-head, while 
the third called * Arjuna's trial ? explains, the 3^^qr^?r*T. The 

Reviews 261 

chapter about the c Great Secret ' gives us what In the Glti is 
called *nrair, ^rrwrf ^rregrnf , TOT $ff , %% ?r strait etc, viz* " the 
Supreme Lord abides in and above all. He is the main spring 
of our actions. Meditate on Him and listen to His voice, before 
you act. At all times, seek only His shelter ( p. 15 ). In explain- 
ing the Vi^varupa in the next, 6th chapter, the author gives 
"the four principles or postulates, which are taken for granted, 
in one form or the other, in almost all systems of philosophy, J ' 
and states in the details, what the Glta has to say about each of 
these principles. This is, aptly enough, the largest chapter and 
forms, as it were, the nucleus of the author's thesis. 

In treating of " the Jlvatma or the Human Soul, " the next 
chapter, the author states how the dual spirit the soul and the 
supreme Lord dwell together, quoting the famous dualistic mantra 
ftimiuir, as also the different activities physical and mental of 
the Jlvatma, and finally says that " the Lord is the Supreme 
Goal " ( p. 104 ). Naturally, the way to approach this Lord, is 
given in the next chapter, as ' a course of rigid self-discipline, ' 
which of course, may be given a general name of Yoga, com- 
prehensive of the different systems which one may follow 
according to one's taste and power. ' The first lesson ' is, in this 
connection, that ' Divine Grace makes one's effort or Yoga 
sovereign and therefore complete. ? *TFT, *rft and $if are said to 
be the three requisites of this Yoga, and these are subsequently 
explained in terms of the Bhagavadglta. In treating of th 
Divine Grace in the last chapter, we have Arena's prayer given 
in the llth Adhyaya of the Glta, which is addressed to the Lord 
when He revealed His fir^^r. 

The whole book is instructive, in as much as, it gives in a 
good form, the whole teaching of the Glta, and we are sure At 
book would be a welcome additioi) to the library of any riou* 

student of the Glta. 

8. N. Tadp&trikat" 

15 [ Anu*U, B 0* 

of Imam al-Grhaazall, edited with an Introduction and 
Translation in Urdu by Prof. B. D. Varma, M.A,, M.F 
A.F., Professor' of Persian, Fergussoa College, Poona* 
1934, pp. 1-14, 1-98 and two maps. 

Professor Varma has prepared the test of the work under 
review from the Two manuscripts, one from the private library 
of the Chief of Aundh and the other from the Punjab University 
Library, Lahore. The first mentioned copy was brought to Ms 
notice by the late Principal Balkrishna of the Rajaram College, 
Kolhapur. After the discovery of this manuscript Professor 
Varma carried out a diligent search for other Mss. not only in 
India but also in Europe ( through correspondence ) and ultimate- 
ly succeeded in finding out another copy in the Punjab Univer. 
sity Library, Lahore. 

The work consists of Ghazzall's counsels offered to a favourite 
disciple who had mada a special request for the same, and as 
such, deserves careful study. 

The learned Professor has tried in the introduction to tackle 
the problem of the authenticity of the work, and has adduced 
internal as well as external evidence in support of his con- 
clusion. He has also tried to help the reader by giving 'useful 
notes and two maps, which Indicate the state of fche Islamic 
world during the time of al-Ghazzall. . 

It is a pity thafc Professor Varma could not print the work in 
movable type, and had to transcribe a major portion of the work 
himself, as no good scribe was to be found in Poona. 

In view of the simple and unambiguous style of the work 
and its valuable contents, it would deserve, in my opinion, to be 
prescribed as a text for the First year in Arts examination of 
this and other universities. I congratulate Professor Varma for 
his excellent work, and request him to utilise the movable type 
if and when the second edition is to be prepared. 

Shaikh Chand Husain 

VASANTAVILASA : An old Gu jarati Phagu, edited with a 
Critical Introduction and Notes by K. B, Vyas, M.A., 
published by N". M. Tripathi & Co,, Bombay 2 ; 1942. 

Vasantavilasa is a small lovely poem of about 84 stanzas in 
the Doha metre, composed in the Old Gujarat! language which 
still bears ample traces of the influence of the Apabhram&& 
language, by an unknown author towards the close of the 14th 
century A. D, It is a sort of a Love Lyric describing the state 
of a young maiden both before and after her meeting with her 
lover, at a sylvan spot where King Cupid had established hia 
rule. It belongs to a class of poems which has received the 
nickname Phagu, probably owing to its connection with the 
vernal month of Phalguna. 

Prof. K. B. Vyas of the Eiphinstone College has edited the 
poem with a learned introduction in which all Important points 
connected with the poem, such as its language, metre, form, date 
and authorship are ably discussed in detail. The English notes 
at the end are equally learned and disclose a close acquaintance 
of the editor with Prakrta grammar and philology. As regards 
the text of the poem however, Prof. Vyas has made no a&tei&pt 
to give us a critical edition of it, but has merely given falfbfal 
reproduction of one of his Mss., which he considers to be the 
most reliable. This is a little unjustifiable, but he has givm M 
reasons for this at p. XVIII (cf. also Appendix IV, pp. 73-74 ), 
On the other hand, it is to be remembered that for preparing ** 
critical edition of a tert, i. e., for arriving at the original foraa 
of the test which the author himself had written, it Is BO* 
merely the manuscripts that can be used as evidence. They ar 
only a part of it and constitute the external evidence together 
with the manuscripts or editions of commentaries of fchat text * 
also the quotations from it found in other literary works and tb* 
like. But more important than this is the internal ewdmce which, 
is supplied by its language, metre and other peculiar ifei* like 
Yamaka etc., especially in the case of a metrical composition, 
like the Vasantavilasa. The poet must be generally *mnm*$ to 

Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

have known his metre very well and to have been generally 
careful about what he introduces as special features of hig 
composition. It is of course not impossible that he may have been 
guilty of negligence in this respect here and there ; but fchis can 
be assumed only as a last resorb arid that too when there exists 
an overwhelming evidence proving such a negligence, A.nd 
when we look at the Vasantavilasa from this point of view, 
three special features of it stand out prominently before us and 
they are * ( 1 ) The Doha metre of the poem ; ( 2 ) the Antar- 
Yatnaka according to which the last three letters of the odd lines 
rhyme with the first three letters of the even ones ; and (3 ) the 
Antya Yamaka according to which the two halves of the stanzas 
rhyme with each other. We shall attempt to show how each of 
these three is helpful in making a selection of a reading for the 
reconstructed text and it will be seen how this selection is 
supported even by the external evidence of manuscripts. 

The normal stanza of the Doha metre contains 15 Matras in 
the odd and 11 Matras in the even lines ( or, sometimes, 14 in 
the odd and 12 in the even lines when the last letter in a line is 
considered always long ). In our poem, sometimes the odd lines 
contain only 11 Matras (cf. vv, 4c 5 55c ; Sic; also cf. 15c and 65c), 
but here the last letter which should have appeared at the end of 
the odd lines, is tacked on to the following even line as a sort of 
variation. But this is very rare and as a rule our author is 
rather scrupulous about his metre. For this reason, ife is better 
to read a short i^in place of the long one which is sanctioned by 
the MSB., in the following words ;- puhatiya ( v. 2a ) ; taqiya ( 2b ) ; 
panttriya ( 5d ) ; kamiya ( 6d ) ; jaliya ( 9b ) ; jhariya ( lOb ) , nari ya 
mUiya (lb ) ; baliya coliya ( 28b ; 38b ) ; vihasiya naviya nivaliya 
baltya ( 89cd } etc. Those who sing the Doha can easily see how 
in spite of the MSB., we must sing all these ikaras as short and 
not as long ones ; and we fhave to assume that the scribes of 
early vernacular poems were unscrupulous in the correct re- 
presentation of Hrasva and Dlrgha letters. So far as MarSfchi is 
concerned this distinction is totally neglected in the Modi script 
which does not use the short ikara at all. 

Coming next to the Antar- Yamaka, we find that though the 
author generally sticks to it, he enjoys a little freedom in the 

Revieius 26$ 


following cases : samarati-Jiavaritu ( v. 2 ) 5 nutvanti-vatanii ( 3 ) ; 
gahagahya-mahamahya ( 4 ) : kamani-kamini ? manani~mawni ( Z% ) ; 
karana-tamria ( 24 ) ; virahiya-luai sa ( 33 ) ; bharumu-sayari ( 40 ) ; 
dolasa-alasiya ( 54 ) ; prakatiya-bhrkuttya ( 58 ) ; fiZ?n dhari-mu mra\ 
a dahu-ava h u ( 77 ) ; 0j/ncz karai-agaru ji ; varasai-vasa w ( 79 ) and 
quwavanta-vasanta ( 84 ). In the following cases, a slight varia- 
tion is introduced by the introduction of re in between the rhy- 
ming letters :- vv. 17 ; 19 ; 49 ? 56 5 57 ; 62 ; 66 ; 69 ; 76. But in 
general, I think we should accept the reading from the Ms. B, 
when it is supported by the Antar- Yamaka ; thus we should read 
dahaqi (v.l) : vesa racai (11) ; daksana (13) : jalasai ( 14 ); moha raam 
( 24 ) ; udampati ( 27 ) ; candana ( 40 ) ; pasala-sasala ( 43 ) : ceta wahi 
( 45) ; harasiya ( 50 ) ; tl sukha ( 52 ) ; ketaki (53) ; saravari ( 67 sea 
ms. C ) ; upalarriblia (70) ; Jcisya mara ( 81 ). It will be seen that raot 
of these are supported by the Ms. C also. 

The Antya Yamaka on the other hand, seems to be more scrupu- 
lously observed by our author. According to the authority of th 
Mss. that are now before us, he seems to have neglected this only 
in three cases i.e., vv, 53,55 and 63. Here the readings bhara, bhatta 
and manjithl which are demanded by the Antya Yamaka ara 
neither supported by Mss., nor by sense, so far as I can 0* at 
this stage. But in the following cases, the readings in B are 
clearly supported by the Antya Yamafca and also in most cases, 
by the Ms. G :- avatara ( v. 3 ) ; niana ( 7 ) ; mframi ( 9 ) ; mrangn 
(16); ?wana(27); vana ( 31 see O ) ; ia*0w<38); ##pt*{42); 
mmz'(43); lahesa (48); nahi (56); cangu or anan&a (60); 
saw5m(61)j J8la ( 62 ) ; pawaa ( 64 ) ; ja&>(64); <m0t* 
( 71 ) and bheu ( 81 ). It will be seen that in many cases, it i* a 
question of selecting one of the two optional forms used for the 
Norn, and Accu. singular by our author in strict conformity 
with the practice of the Apabhramssa grammar in the matter of 
nouns ending in a. We will therfore not be wrong in supposing 
that the poet must have used that one of the two forms which 
was more suitable for his purpose, namely the Yamaka. 

In the matter of interpretation, we proceed to make a few 
suggestions, without in any way detracting from the Iwnuid 
labours of the editor. Thus in v. 8, muharitja is rather mtktenO* 
1 humming ? than * are happy with? enjoy '. In t>. 4, pikr*w is 

2,66 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

one word and CD Is one sentence :- * The endless notes of the 
cuckoos proclaim victory ( of Vasanta ) to the three worlds \ In 
v. 5, bahakai is intransitive and means ( spreads far and wide 7 * 
padaminiparimala is one word and the subject of it. Cf. Marathi 
bahakala or bhakala * has gone astray *. CD :- s The travellers rush 
here and there impatiently ( on the road ), where Madana himself 
is acting as a highwayman '. jtham * where 9 ; cf. tihafn in v. 11. 
In v. 6, vaula is vau-$a( la ) ; cf. bhamarula ( v. 20 ). In the second 
half, read with C, nidhuvanakelikalamiya nidhuvanakeliklanta 
* fatigued by the amorous sports ? ; suhai is sukhayafe * is felt 
agreeable ' and not sobhate. In v. 9, TQ&djala with B and C and take 
puriU as puryate ( cf. puriya of O ) ; * Water is filled with abundance 
of musk and camphor '. In v. 10, sajakariya, jiiariya, sandhiya and 
bandhiya are best taken as Past Passive Participles used as finite 
verbs. If taken as Absolutive forms, v. 10 must be construed 
with v. 11. In v. 11 Jamuka is perhaps a ' watchman 7 5 but the 
regular form would be jarnika. Has it changed under the 
influence of kamuka? alavesara is another difficulty. J think it is 
right to connect this with alabela which is probably the same as 
alavilla * possessed of alavas '. alavsla is * gay ' or * coquettish ' 
and alava is very likely * coquetry \ The word occurs again in 
v. 69 alawfy, and means * with alavas i. e, 9 with coquetry'. Cf. 
Matathi nakhara, V. U : aliala cannot be alikula ; ala is probably 
svarthe. See v. 72 ( turn aliala \ ana is anya. A correspondence 
is meant between the yuvana and the aliala, V. 28 is spurious. 
It properly would belong to v. 31 ff; while 27, 29 and 30 belong 
together. Besides v. 28cd is a reproduction of v. S8 ab . Ms. C 
rightly ^omits this. F. SO, katvara is ' partisanship >, hence 
praise '. bandiw cannot mean c panegyric \ It is either Nora. 

* w a l r Sen> SinS * CD : ' They are as ifc were ( kiri ) ^* bards 
of Madana continuously singing praise to him '. In the reading 

F- ^ ana f lna is Instru - <rf Snanda and not = anaadana (adj.). 
v. <** : In sovrana, r is not adventitious ( cf. Intro, p. LXX ), but 
occurs AS a result of Transposition. V. 33 : In the latter half, 
Hiipply saranikara from v. 32 after dhUmavarala : < The God of 
i,ove i Maru ) is as it were dropping ( mukai ) smoking arrows on 
the hearts of the separated >. Of. mukai sara sukumala ( v. 20 ). V. 

cannot be toltia. D^ She began 

Reviews 267 

to speak in various ways (bahu bhanga)'. Not * in a curious 
vein'. The bahu bhangu address is contained in vv, 39-46, 
which are respectively addressed to Kokila, Sayari, Mai, Nisa- 
kara, Bhaniarula and Candula, Bahinua and Sakhi V. $9*. #tjUm 
bahu vasa * Why do you warble so much ? ' is correct ; vasa is a 
free verbal form having the sense of the present tense. How can 
Imperative 2nd sing, be construed with the Interrogative particle? 
In v. 42 similarly santapu is clearly a noun as the term, u shows ; 
it cannot be a verbal form by any stretch of philological imagina- 
tion, Besides why 2nd Plural when tuya, re and man are Singular 
forms in the same verse ? sya kara is similar to syum vasa ( v. 39 ) 
in construction. It means 'why do you cause me santapa* ? sayari * 
(Qtsayara in v, 43 and 40). Is it svairam * wilfully*? him is 
rather a particle; cf v. 46. Perhaps smki bhya of B and C IB 
correct : bhya is bhaya ' has become '. Cf. thya equal to thatfl r- 
* Doubting that sin is committed, do nob kill a woman, 
oh Stained One \ V. 4$ : pamkliali is a * tiny wing ' :~ 
*Oh bee, do not drop i. e., move your tiny wing; we cannot 
enjoy it. For everything has become paiuf ul to us *. mm is 
tuaya or tavat ; cf. v. 46. In v. 46 bihum is Norn. *the conpl '. 
4 The throbbing of the thigh suggests union. Forja^ gha&-ta*H 
ghadi ; cf. v. 68. V. 49 * To me your beak is ( as if ) made of gold 
and both wings are made of silver, (though they are black): 
not * I shall get your beak etc. ' Adjective mV^pama suggests what 
it is and not what it is going to be. V. ^ tint sukka Kate* na 
jai * Those pleasures cannot be mentioned ' ; nai is a partirft of 
emplaasis. See v. 81. and Dictionary, anai is_ different. V. *4 . 
lavanisayaTisu, rasu, or rang* is lavamjasadrsam rasam ' 
dance in keeping with her Loveliness', sayarisu cannot 

lady friends ' ; su is not saka, V. 55 kana is _ 

' fa 

the ears are as it were the flashes of lightning'. 

h like bljanaum^jan^n. to means atf - 

a e 

29 W 36 58 59 60 61, 65, etc. In v. 60, the ide* of rat^a 
29, 33 f 36, 5b, &y, bll, 01, oa, 

nent and not of ananga ; so rafcher take rmfto- 

268 Annals of the handarkar Oriental Research Institute 

the string '. The string is varnya and tanu would be a proper 
adjective for the hara which corresponds to it. varatanu would be 
apustartha. K 68. What is lanku ? Evidently ' waist * ; derive 
tion ? V. 69. alavihi is Instrumental ; alava is * coquetry * ; see on 
v. 11 above. V. VI : murukulai is ' plays coquettish y ; Compare 
murakane or muraka marane in MaratbL V. 74 : sampati is 
* the wealth of her charms ' ; * She has become tanumala 
or sukumala without her wealth of charms. * V. 81 nai is a par- 
ticle ; see on v. 52. Read bheu for n&hu * there is no (na vi) 
difference between them *. kisyam mara is to be taken like syutii 
vasa ( v. 39 ) and syum kara ( v. 42 ) above. This idiom is 
still preserved in Marathi * hem kara t&m kara; ka&ala kira* ; I 
suppose also in Gujarati. F. 82 * Like a Pad mini woman, the 
lotus-plant has become over-bearing ( matiya ) owing to her 
honey ; the bee with fresh love ( navanehu as one word ) receives 
her juice in time, but abandons her and makes no mistake about 
it. See \ dehu is dehau ( 3rd sing Imperative ) or deha ( 2nd 
sing )=t^. V. S3. what is bula? valia not likely ; perhaps budia, 
bidia L e, = magna ; or is it bhola ( bula ) 6 simpleton ? ? In the 
second half why is the Karun! tree compared with a TarunI who 
is laden with fruit owing to her breasts ? Are the flowers compar- 
ed with breasts, which in their turn with fruits ? Or, does the 
2nd half, addressed to the lover, mean, * This young maiden is 
laden with fruit by her breasts ; why then do you make love to 
that poor woman i. e., an elderly woman ? V. 84 : munjavayaria 
Matijuvacana ? It is rather mujha vacana ' My words i. e. the 
poem has come to an end here ( ffcrr 37^" ). 

These suggestions, however, are not ^intended to suggst any 
want of labour or ability on the part of the editor, who has evi- 
dently taken all possible care in handling his difficult text. Be- 
sides, the introduction bears ample evidence of the thoroughness 
with which he discusses the intricate problems connected with 
the poem. His observations on the calligraphy and orthography 
of the Mss. of the poem as also on its phonology and morpho- 
logy are very instructive (the differentiation of the sr-stems and 
the sr-stems of nouns on p. "LXXI is evidently an over-sight as 
a reference to p. XXX para 2 will show ). On the whole the per- 
formance is highly creditab'e. ' 

H. D. Velankar 

3. TIBETAN SENTENCES by Sir Basil Gould, C.M.G., 
C.I.E., Indian Civi Service, and Hugh Edward Richardson, 
Indian Civil Service. 

These books bave been published by the Oxford University 
Press, ( 1943 May ) and printed in India. The latter two have 
been printed in Sikkim Durbar Press, Gangtok, Sikkim, India : 
and en the Titaghur Mill paper. These books will be found 
very helpful by the Beginners of Tibetan studies, especially 
of Colloquial Tibetan. Sir Aurel Stein has written a Foreword 
from Camp Bhavalpur < 1st Jan. 1943 ) in which he testifies to 
the helpfulness of these books for those who do not know Tibetan. 
It has been said in the General Preface ( p. ix ) that the object 
of this Series of books and pamphlets is to help ordinary people 
to learn to speak Tibetan as it is spoken to-day in Lhasa ( the 
Place of God ). About 2000 Key Syllables are arranged in 
Tibetan alphabetical Order in the first book together with pro- 
nunciation and meaning and compound words formed from them 
are also given in the following lines. The second book arrsnges 
the same syllables in the English alphabetical order. The third 
book introduces sentences of colloquial use, giving them in 
Tibetan script with English pronunciation. 

The authors, Sir Basil, Political Officer in Sikkta _ 
Political Representative in Tibet and Bhutan, and Mr 
son, formerly British Trade Agent afc Gyantse 
charge of the British Mission at Lha.a, both 
Indian Civil Service, have indeed takrn great pains 
these books, which are expected to be followed by othe r 
faook 9 of the same nature. They, indeed, deserve our 

16 i An*l, B, O. R. L 1 

T1LOYAFAMNATTI, by Jadivasaha, Fart I edited by Prof*, 
A. N. Upadhye and Hiralal Jain, with the Hindi para* 
phrase ; published by Jain Sanskrit Samrakshaka Samgha, 
Sholapur, 1943, Price 12/~ 

This is the first volume of the JlvarEja Jain Granthamala, 
which has been very lucky in obtaining the two professors 
as the general editors of the Series. The work is an ancient 
Prakrit text, dealing mainly with Jain cosmography, as the 
very title of the work suggests. Incidentally the author has 
found occasions to introduce other items of Jain dogmatics, 
without which the understanding of the cosmography is not 

Looked from the orthodox point of view, no religion hag 
preserved such a minute, detailed and extensive descriptions of 
the cosmography, as the Jains have done. It is a debatable point 
and we are glad that the editiors are also conscious of the f set- 
how far these are trustworthy or for the matter of that, even 
valuable for us. But the use of such works is not to be judged 
from this single point of view. Works of such type have 
incidentally preserved much material on language, social 
history, folklore and contemporary history ; hence we are grate- 
ful to the editiors for having brought out the first volume of this 
extensive work ( the 1st vol. contains only the first four chapters, 
the second is to contain the next 5 chapters X 

The two Mss on which the editors have based the edition are 
extremely corrupt and their editing and paraphrasing has been 
a very difficult task for them 5 but judged from the presentation 
of the work and the number of stanzas, which are even 
unintelligible to the editors (and which the editors have 
frankly admitted at the end ) we think that they have practi- 
cally achieved the impossible. Only one point we should like 
to point out ; we cannot easily see eye to eye with the editors 
when they give freely their emendations In the text itself and 
relegate tie readings of the Ms in the foot-notes* This is a highly 

Reviews 271 

objectionable practice and although the editors have tried to 
take wind out of the sails of the critic by freely admitting and 
justifying their course, we are not much convinced thereby* It 
would have been a good procedure to correct and emend the 
original in brackets introduced in the body of the text Itself. 

We would be eagerly waiting for the publication of the second 
volume, to which the editors are going to prefix their introduc- 

R. D. Vadekr 

( 1943-44 ), 1943. Price Re. One 

The Institute has issued its Calendar for Fifth Session ( 1943- 
44 ), with a foreword written by Mr. B. J. Wadia, the Vice- 
chancellor of the University of Bombay. It is divided into four 
sections : the first contains general information concerning the 
Institute; the second gives a consolidated Report of the 
Academic Work of the Institute for the four sessions ending March 
1943 ; the third deals with the special features of Research work 
for the fifth session; and, finally, the fourth furnishes details in 
regard to the Rules and Regulations of the Institute. 

Since the date of its inauguration the Institute has don* 
commendable progress in the field of research. Hot to refr to 
the important work achieved in the past, the whole staff of ih* 
College headed by the Director Dr. S. M. Katre, has put m wry 
valuable work during the current year. Especially the follow- 
ing new projects undertaken by them are of immense importer - 
A Dictionary of Inscriptional Sanskrit, Dialect Gog 
new Dictionary of Rgveda, Archaeology of the Deccan, 
School of Painting, A History of the M ** Navy, 
metric measurements of Marthas, and others, All ^ P 
when carried into perfection, shall bring immenaa credit to 

Institute in near future. 

A. P. 

[ Edited by R. N. Dandekar, Bhandarkar Oriental Research 
Institute, Poona, pp. iv*107, Price Rupees four ] 

The commentary of Devabodha is of prime importance for 
Mbh. studies as it is the oldest and the best comm. on the Epic, 
Unfortunately it is known to be available only for a few parvans 
viz. the SabhS, TTdyogya, Bhlsma and Drona besides the Adi, and 
that too, only in manuscript form. The better known commen- 
tary of Nllakantha which standardised the vulgats text and is 
responsible in some measure for contamination of different 
versions of the Epic from one another, ias practically eclipsed 
older commentaries, as a bad coin drives the good out of 
circulation. We should be therefore grateful to Dr. Dandekar 
for the editing and publication of this commentary of 
Devabodha, a real need which he has supplied very efficiently, 
The numbering of adtyayas and stanzas are according to the 
Critical Edition, which adds to its utility, as the commentary 
itself does not give these, having merely a few colophons. The 
MBS. here do not contain the Epic text as also in the case of 
Udyoga, but we may not reckon it a loss, as the Mss. of Sabha 
which do have the text show no relationship between the text 
and the cornm. 

About the date and personality of Devabodha we are in the 
dark, except his priority to later commentators who extensively 
plagiarize from his work. Devabodha is not the personal name 
of the author, but his name qua samnyast, as appears from Ms 
guru's name which also ends in bodha* He must have been a 
pontiff of some mutt as the title Bhattaraka in both his and his 
gurus names show, and we may sometime learn more about him 
if succession lists in the archives of these mutts, especially from 
Kashmir become available. It may be presumed that he belonged 
to Kashmir as his comm. presents essentially a Kashmirian tert 
of the Epic. He seems to refer to the Kashmirian doctrine of 
pratyabhijfkt, commenting on 1. 1, 37 ( p. 7 ). Devabodha generally 
does not name the sources of his explanations ; and therefore the 


additional niafcfcer marginally inserted in Ms. C, though it 
contains references to the lexicon Anekartha, an author &r*~Bhoja> 
Kaqthalainltaravidah, Parasarasamhita> BrahTnavaivarta-purn$a* 
Amara etc., these are useless for fixing his date as they are clearly 
not genuine. However, this question may safely he left for con- 
sideration by scholars like, Prof, P. K, Gode, working in the field 
of Indian chronology. 

It is interesting that De^abodha pointedly refers to the 
number of many un-Paninian forms in the Epic, and he $eek 
to justify them on the authority of Mahendra's grammar ( p, 2 1 
He has given us figures for the number of adhy&yas and Slokai* 
for each parvan ( p. 161 ) which come very near to those of the 
Grit. Ed. He seems to know two recensions of the Harivarn0&, 
viz. the Mathura and the Parijata, The latter narrates according 
fco Devabodha, the divine incarnations in an expanded form and 
may therefore have been the basis of the vulgate text of Harl. 

In his comm. on 1. 1. 50, H^n^ *r* %P9RI etc., where three 
commencements of the Epic are recorded. Devabodha under- 
stands by ST3 a king ( 3TTf?*ra: ) ? and not & mantra as Nil does, 
and which is also the common suppoaition. This interpretation 
is plausible as it is in keeping with the other two proper names 
istlka and Uparicara. These latter two commencements of th 
Epic can be located, but we do not get any trace of its bugittir 
ing with an account of king Manu. This must be due to tbt 
shuffling of text caused in the final diaskeuasis, whan the framr- 
setting and list of contents ( Parvasamgratm ) were appended to 

the Epic, 

These remarks may indicate the #reat importance of th* 
comm. for a critical exegesis of the Epic not only from * 
interpretative but also from a formal point of view. It is to b* 
hoped that the remaining portion of the comm. on other parv&w, 
also will be soon made available to the public which will te m 
invaluable aid in Epic studies. 


The Agamasastra of GaudapSda, 
by Vidhushekhara Bhatta- 
charya, University of Calcutta, 

Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association for the 
year 1940, Proceedings, Vol. II, 
Washington, 1941. 

Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association for the 
year 1941, Yol, I, Washington, 

Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association Vol. II 
1937, Writings on American 
History 1937-1938, G. G. 
Griffin, Washington, 1942. 

Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association fox the 
year 1941, Vol. II, by H. Huth 
and W* J. Pugh, Washington, 

Annual Report of the American 
Historical Association Vol.III, 
1936, by B. Mayo, Washington, 

AiiekSntajayapataka, by Hari- 
bhadra Suri Vol. I, edited by 
H. R. Kapadia, Gaekwad's 
Oriental Series* Baroda, 1940. 

Anupasimhagunavatara, by C. 
Kunhan Raja, Anup Sanskrit 
Library, Rikaner, 1942. 

Why exhibit works of Art ? by 
A, K. Coomaraswamy, 
Luzac and Co., London 1943. 

Early Aryans in Gujarata, by 
K, M, Munshi, University of 
Bombay* Bombay 1941, 

Author Catalogue of Printed 
Books in European Languages, 

Vol. ra,F-H, Government of 
India Press, Calcutta, 1942, 
Author Catalogue of Printed 
Books in European Languages, 
Vol. IV, I-L, Government of 
India Press, Calcutta, 1943. 

Important Inscriptions from the 
Baroda State Vol. I, by A. S. 
Gadre, Baroda State Press,1943 

Historical Selections from 
Baroda State "Records, Vol. VII, 
Sayajirao II, Baroda, 1943. 

Benares Hindu University, 
Special Silver Jubilee Con- 
vocation, 1942, Benares. 

Brhaspatismrti, by K. V. Ranga- 
swami Aijangar, GaekawacTs 
Oriental Series Baroda, Vol. 

Brbat Katbakosa, by A. N. 
Upadhye, Bharatiya Vidya 
Bhavan, Bombay, 1943. 

The Calendar, Supplement for 
1943, University of Calcutta, 

Caturdasa Laksanl,of Gad^dhara 

Vol I, by G. S. Murti, Adyar 

Library, Adyar 1942. 
Chandragupta Maurya and his 

timesg by Radha Kumud 

Mookerji, University of 

Madras, 1943. 
The Gaikwads of Baroda,English 

Docutnents, Vol. VII, Anandrao 

Gaikwad, 1805-1808, by J. H. 

Gense and D. It. Banaji, D. B. 

Taraporevala Sons & Co. 


r, Jain 

mbara Samstha Ujjain, 1943. 

Soaks Rectivtd 


Advanced History of India, 
(Hindu Period) by P. T. 

Srinivasa lyengar, Andhra 

University, Madras 1942. 
Kalivarjyas, by Batuknath 

Bhatfcacharya, University of 

Calcutta, 1943. 
Kamboja, ( Pauranic Yuga ) 

Swami Sadananda, Calcutta, 

Theory of Knowledge, a study, 

by K. C. Varadachari, 

Tirupati, 1943, 
Laghu Sabdendu Sekhara Vol. 

II, by T. S. Sasfcri, Andhra 
University, Madras 1942. 

Laghu Sabdendu Sskhara VoL 

III, by T. S. Sastri, *Andhra 
University, Madras, 1942. 

Journal of the Department of 
Letters, Vol. XXXIII, Univer- 
sity of Calcutta, 1943. 

Sramana Bhagavan Mahavlra 
Vol." I, Part I, (Fifteen 
Previous Bhavas ) 1941 by 

Muni R. P. Vijaya, SrlJain 
Grantha Prakasaka Sabha, 
Panjara Pole, Ahmedabad* 

Sramana Bhagavan Mahavlra 
Vol. II Part I, containing 
116 Sutras of Kalpasutra by 
Muni R, P. Vijaya, Sri Jain 
Grantha Prakasaka Sabha, 
Panjara Pole, Ahmedabad, 

Sramana Bhagavan Mahavlra 
Vol. Ill, Ganadha:ravada by 
Muni R, P. Vijaya, Sri Jain 
Grantha Prakasaka Sabha 
Pole,Ahmedabad ? 194^ 

Sramana Bhagav&n Mahlvlra 
Vol. IV, Parti, SthaTlrdvali 
by Muni E.P, Vijaya, Sri Jain 
Grantha Praka&aka Sabh 
Panjara Pole, Ahmedabad ,13 iL 

Glories of Marwar and the 
Glorious Rathors, by Pandit 
Vishesh war Nath Reu t Jodhpur 

Dr Modi Memorial Volume, 
Bombay 1930. 

Oriental Treasurer, bj J. C. 
Katrak,194i Bombay. 

Pancharatra^ Sanskrit Literature 
Society, Bangalore City, 

Sri PaiicarStra Raksi, by M. T). 
Aiyangar, Ad jar Library, 
Adyar 1942. 

Pararaasamhita, by Dr. S, K. 

Aiyangar, Gaek wad's Oriental 
Series Baroda, VoL LXXXVI, 

Poona Residency Corraspondenca 
Vol. 8, Daulat Eao Sindhia 
and North Indian Affairs 
1794-1799, by Sir J&duuatfa 
Sarkar, Bombay, 1943 

Poona Residency CorreEpondenct 
VoL 9, Daulat Rao Sindhla 
and North Indian Affairs 
1800-1803, by Maharaj Kumar 
"Raghubir Siuh, Bombsr* 19^3* 

Poona Residency Correspood^oc* 
VoL XI S Daulat Rao Sindhia^ 
Affairs, 1804-1809 by N. B. 
Roy, Government 
Press, Bombay, 1943. 

^r snft mi*n by 
$i^ Hindi Sahilya Hand lr, 
Ghantgbar, Jodhpur, 1941. 

Ramayana In Stone, Bwsioi 

276 Annals of the ghandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

Saktisangama Tanfcra Vol. II, 
Tarkakhanda by B. Bhatta- 
charya, Gaekwad's Oriental 
Series Baroda, Vol. XCL 1941. 

Samgltaratnakara of Sarngadeva, 
Vol. I, by Pandit S. S. Sastri, 
The Adyar Library ,A.dyar 1943. 
by M. R, 

Ghoda, Junagada, 1942. 
S&piridya, Part I, by J. R, 

Gbarpure, Bombay 1943. 

Part I, A. K. Sastri," University 
f of Calcutta, 1941. 
Sastradlpika ( Tarkapada K by D* 

Venkatramiah Gaekwad's Ori- 

ental Series, Vol. LXXXIX, 

Baroda, 1940, 

by G. S. "Dev, Dhulia 1943, 
Sekoddesatlka, by Mario Carelli, 

Gaekwad's Oriental Series, 

Vol. XG Baroda, 1941. 
Spinozian Wisdom, by James 

Artber, The Adyar Library, 

Adyar, 1943. 

Srlkrsna Caritam, by Pandit 
Sivadatfea Tripathi, Ajaraer, 

Advanced Studies in Tamil 
Prosody, by Dr. A. C. Cbetfciar, 
Annamalai University, 
Annamalainagar, 1943. 

Tarkabb&sa of Moksakara Gupta 
by Embar Krishnamacliarya, 
Gaekwad's Oriental Series, 
Vol. XCIV, Baroda, 1942. 

Tarka Tfindavam, VoL IV. by V. 
Madhvacbar, Oriental Library, 
Myaore 1943. 

Tatfcvopaplavasimha, by Pandit 
S. Sanghavi and Prof, R cj 
Parikh, Gaekwad's Orieulal 
Series, VoL LXXXVII,Baroda 

The Key to Theosophy, by H. P. 
Blavafcsky Theosophy Com'* 
pany ( India ) Ltd , Bombay 

Ths Ocean of Theosophy by 
W. Q, Judg^e, Theosophy 
Company (India) Ltd, Bombay 

University of Travancoie Galen, 
dar for 1942-1943, Trivandrum 

Governmant DoGumeni? Biblio- 
graphy in the United States 
and elsewhere by J. B. Ohilds, 
Government Printing Office 
Washington, 1942, 

Usaniruddha, of Ramapanivada, 
A Prakrit Poem, edited by C. 
Kuuhan Raja, The Adyar 
Library, Adyar, 1943, 

VadSvalt, by - Jayatlrtha, edited 
by P. B". Rao, The Adyar 
Library, Adyar, 1943. 

Sri Venkatesa Kavya Kalapa by 
D. T. Tataoharya, Tirupafci, 

The Philosophy of VisistSdvaita, 
by P. N. Srinivasachari, The 
Adyar Library, Adyar, 1943. 

Vyavaharanirnaya of VaradaiSja 
by E.V fc Rangaswami Aiyangar 
and A. N. Krishna Aiyangar, 
Adyar Library, 1942. 

The Gospel of Zoroaster, Iranian 
Veda, by Bhai M. C. Pftrekh, 
Harmony House Bajkot, 1939. 


( 1866 - 1943 ) 

Ifc is painful to record the sad death of Prin. Vinayak Ganeafa 

Apte on 21st October 1943. 

Prin. Apfce was a resident of Poona. Ha passed his Matricula- 

tion examination form the New English School, Poona and took 

his B. A. degree in the Second Class with Languages as his optional 

subjects. He was profoundly impressed by his revered teacher 

Vaman Shivaram Apte the great Sanskrit scolar of the Jant 

century and the first Principal of the Fergusson College, Poona. 

In 1895 he took his pledge as a Life-Member of the Shikshana 

Prasarak Mandali. It is well known to the Poona literary 

public how efficiently and honourably he carried out that solemn 

pledge. He served the Nutun Marathi Vidyalaya of the Mandali 

in the capacity of the Superintendent for 21 years. He won the 

admiration of the public by his solicitude to turn out his students 

to be good citizens in their after-life. He never allowed 

Ms domestic calamities, which befell him sojrften. to inter- 

fere with his task. The motto of the Mandali, vm* : mas*4^ 

seems to have its origin in Prin. Apte's selfless zeal 

towards the cause of the Mandaii. The Mandali started its 

New Poona College ( now S. P. College ) in 1916 of which Prin. 

Apte was unanimously appointed the first Principal. He retired 

from that office, in 1922. In appreciation of nis davo ^ d ^ ce *' 

the Silver Jubilee Commemoration Volume of the S. P. Collage 

was dedicated to him in 1941. Trustee of 

He occupied the responsible post of the Trustee M 

Anandashram of Poona for many years and ed,ted - 

Sanskrit works in Anandashram Sanskrit Series. 

He served on the Erecutive Board of the Bhandarkar 

Research Institute, Poona, as its Oaatrnw 

guided the affairs of the Institute ably and 

{ 1924-S9 ) He guided te aars o 


the Mahabharata work prior to the appointment of Dr- 


17 { Annals, B. O. R. 

Chiet Saheb of lehalkaranji 


In the sad demise of Shrimant Narayanrao Babasaheb 
Ghorpade, the enlightened Chief Saheb of Ichalkaranji, on 21st 
October 1943 the B. (X R. Institute has lost one of ife staunch 
supporters, the Maharashtra has lost a great patron of learning, 
art and culture and the country has losfe one of Its noblest sons. 
There was no educational or cultural activity in Maharashtra 
during; the last half a century which has not profited by his 
generosity directly or indirectly. The springs of his liberality 
were not actuated by any thirst for personal fame or aggrandize- 
ment but by a spirit of renunciation and sense of duty, the most 
dominant motive force behind every thing that he said and did 
for the amelioration of his countrymen in social, educational 
and intellectual spheres. His religious temperament, spirit of 
humility, spotless character coupled with dignity of manners 
and an affable disposition endeared lum to every one who came 
into contact with him in all the walks of life both in the 
principality over which he ruled and outside it The sentiments 
of good will and affection engendered by this noble soul were 
markedly in evidence when the Golden Jubilee of his rule was 
celebrated at Ichalkaranji a year ago. The Special Volume 
published in commemoration of this unique event is a permanent 
souvenir of the good work done by Shrimant Babasaheb for the 
betterment of his fellowmen in and outside his principality. 

Though not a research scholar himself Shrimanfc Babasaheb 
was a well-read man and maintained his interest in literary 
matters to the moment of his death. The writer of this note came 
into direct contact with him more than twenty years ago. This 
contact deepened during the last ten years owing fco the exchange 
of views with Shrimant Babasaheb on many matters of mutual 
interest pertaining to the researches of the writer in the field of 
Maratha history and the history of Indian Culture. Several 
letters in the possession of the writer received from Shrimant 

Obituary Neti&s 

Babasaheb show not only a careful perusal of th writers 
articles on these subjects but his geniuae appreciation of all new 
points discovered by the writer and recorded In these artielm 
Some of the observations made by Shrimant Babasaheb on ths 
points have been found to be very critical and valuable for 
purposes of further research. It was only on 3rd October 194S 
that Shrimant Babasaheb sent to the writer his last literary 
letter from Wai and it is a pity that Shrimant Babasabeb should 
pass away in a fortnight after this date 1 Shrf nmi.t' Ba?/asab*b 
had sent a a article to the Editor of the Annals some days before 
his death. It Is published in the present issue o* the \nnaia* 
There are a few enlightened rulers in the Bh^tatavar&A nl 
present but fewer still are rulers who take live interest in 
research and Shrimant Babasaheb of reverad memory wa on of 
this latter class. May his soul rest in peace. 

R K. Godt 


( 1880-1943 ; 

In the passing away of Mm. Prof. S- Kuppuswami Sastrf on 
the 5th of September 1943, Sanskrit learning has lost on or it* 
best supporters and the world of oriental learning hm Icwit * 
brilliant scholar who influenced both his juniors and a*nior 
alike by the depth of his learning and scholarly achievement*. 
Prof. Sastri began his academic career as the Principal of tb* 
Sanskrit College, Mylapore, Madras, as early as 1906. In If 10 
he became the Principal of Kajah's Sanskrit College, Tiru*r&ai 
He was appointed Professor of Sanskrit in the Presidency Golltf*. 
Madras in 1914 and continued in this post for over tw*nty-0B* 
years till his retirement in December 1035. As Curator of tfa* 
Government Oriental Manuscripts Library at Madras during 
the above period he was responsible for the continuance of tbt 
valuable Descriptive Catalogue of Government 

280 Annals of the Bhand&rkaf Oriental Research Institute 

several volumes and the publication of a few books on behalf of 

this library. The title of Mahamahopadhyaya was conferred 
on him by Government in 1927. After his retirement from the 
Indian Educational Service he served as Professor of Sanskrit 
in the Annamalai University for a few years and then retired to 
his village. 

He was a prominent member of the All India Oriental Con- 
ference ever since its inception at the B. CX R. Institute in 1919 
He was also closely connected with the Indian Philosophical 
Congress and presided over different sections of this Congress as 
also of the Oriental Conference at various sessions. In 1921 he 
started the Journal of Oriental Research Madras and the * Sanskrit; 
Academy % Madras. 

Prof. Sastri rendered yeoman's service to the cause of Sanskrit 
research in this country by instituting: a regular search for new 
Manuscripts throughout the Madras Presidency and the large 
number of rare Manuscripts thus collected were catalogued by 
him in several volumes designated as Triennial Catalogues, It 
redounds to the credit of Prof. Shasfcri that during his C jratorship 
of the above library nearly sixty Volumes of this Manuscripts 
Catalogue both Descriptive and Triennial were prepared and 
published. Besides these Catalogues Prof. Sastri published 
several Sanskrit texts aud a Primer of Indian Logic ( 1932 ). 

Prof. Sastri was connected with many Universities in India, 
besides the Madras University itself, where he was a member of 
the senate, a member of the Academic Council and Chairman of 
the Board of Studies for different periods. His contact with the 
Madras University has fostered in no small way the cause of 
oriental learning. In 1935 the Madras University undertook 
under his editorship the preparation of a New Catalogus Catalo- 
gorum of Manuscripts and though Providence has not spared him 
to see the completion of this monumental undertaking, his wisdom 
and foresight in starting this work will be ever remembered by 
the succeeding generations of Oriental scholars in the same 
manner in which they remember the immortal work of Theodo* 
Aufrecht enshrined in his Catalogus Catalogorum which was the 
marvel of cataloguing in his own days and which remains still 

Obituary Notices 281 

unmatched in point of accuracy of record, not to say th* 
wideness of its range and the meticulous care for details. 

Prof. Sastri was a versatile scholar and a preeminent 
teacher. The impress of his scholarship on his students hat 
been very great as will be seen from a band of brilliant 
scholars at the Madras University who had the good 
fortune of studying under him and who like their eminent 
guru have made good reputation in the field of Sanskrit 
learning 1 . A master of Shastric debates, Prof. Sastri was & 
master in the debates of his University as we learn from 
some of his contemporaries. Tn 1936, the Bhandarkar Institute 
invited Prof. Sastri to deliver the anniversary address and at 
the time of the Silver Jubilee of the Institute last year the lust! 
tute honoured him by conferring its Honorary Membership on 
him along with some eminent scholars of the land in token of 
its high regard for Prof. Sastri's scholarship and learning. W 
understand that a movement is set afoot for continuing and per- 
petuating the work of this eminent scholar by establishing a 
Research Institute in his name and trust that it will ba started 
before long. 

To many of the Professors of Sanskrit in this 
Indian philosophy and religion are only matters of 
interest. It was not so to Prof. Sastri, strongly steeped m 
Advaita Philosophy, and consequently he maintained the Advalto 
outlook on the affairs of the world even at the cost of popula- 
rity. He knew no philosophy of compromise on principle which 
he believed to be right and true. This, I believe was the master- 
key of hie impressive personality. It is a pity that such a derout 
Advaitin should take our final leave before he reached th 
ble age of three score and ten. 



( 1869-1943 ) 

Death has taken rather a heavy toll of ludologlsts in recent 

times. News has reached us of late that the doyen of the present 

generation of German Indologists, Professor Dr. Heinricli Lftders, 

has passed away* The very valuable contributions made by 

Luders to almost all branches of Indie studies, particularly to 

Indian drama and epigraphy, will for ever stand out as evidence 

of the critical acumen, the amazing industry and the remarkable 

insight of that great Sanskritisfe. At the beginning- of this war, it 

was announced that all his scattered writings, which are quite 

numerous, were being collected and published in several volumes. 

Thesa volumes will undoubtedly prove to be a great boon to 

students of Indology. The relations of Luders with the 

Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute however were of a more 

intimate character. Professor Lftders was the teacher of the late 

Dr. Sukthankar, the first General Editor of th Critical Edition 

of the Mahabharata. As a matter of fact the latter's main inspira* 

fcion in the matter of the text-critical study of the Epic was 

derived from the former* In the Prolegomena of the Adi- 

Parvan, Dr. Sukthankar has paid a glowing tribute to Lfcdars 

in the following words : 

" What little merit there may be in the present work is due 
wholly to that excellent though somewhat rigorous and exacting 
training in philological methods which I had the benefit of 
receiving at his (Luders's) hands in the ladogermanisches Seminar, 
as a student in the University of Berlin. It Is my firm, convic- 
tion that there is no living scholar who has a deeper incight into 
she history of the Indian epic and the complicacies of its tradi- 
tion than Geheimrat Luders. * His early MahSbhSrata studies, 

Utber <U* Grantharecension, Die Sage von R$ya$rhga and the 

Obituar Notices 283 

have been to me like beacon lights in the perilous 
navigation of the Mah&bh&rata Ocean* May this* work be to him 
s small recompense for the great trouble he has taken to initial 
me in the mysteries of textual criticism, " 

Professor Liiders and Frau Ltiders paid a visit to th 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in the year 1928* It was 
indeed very gratifying Tor the writer of this note to hear from 
Liiders himselfj at Berlin in 1937, that the great expectations 
which his visit to this Institute had created in his mind ten 
years ago were substantially fulfilled by the published portion of 
the Critical Edition of the Mahabharafca, Prof. L&iers served on 
the Advisory Committee of the Critical Edition and was elected 
an Honorary Member of this Institute in 1928. 

Professor Lftciers all along enjoyed the privilege of having to 
work under him quite a distinguished band of students. It in 
indeed a painful irony that he should have died so soon after the 
premature death of his two eminent pupils, Dra Suktfaankar 
and Zimmer. 

B. If . D, 

We deeply mourn the recent loss through death of two mo** 
Sanskritists, Carlo Formichi ( 1871-1943 ) and StamsIawSchayar 
( 1899-1943 ). The Italian Indologist, Formichi, has several pub- 
lications to his credit, the prominent among them beinj Ate** 
ghosa, poeta del Buddhismo and // Nepal In 1925-26 h 
India and worked for some time as Guest-Prof essor at the 
bhUratl University, Sautiniketana. Formichi was a pr 
student of Indian philosophy, which fact is amply borne out 
his several articles on the subject, such as, " On the *** 1 
ing of the Dialogue between Ysjnavalkya and 
{ Lanman Comm, Vol., 1929 ). Sfcanlslaw Schayar WM 
of Indian literature and philosophy at the University of Warsaw 
in Poland. One of his works of great merit, ^* * J^"' 
treatise on the Conception of Time, is /**** Phtlo*^** <*** 

Problem der GegenwarL ^ 

K. ft. U* 


News has now been allowed to escape after nearly two years, 
of the sad death of Pro!. Stcherbatsky during the winter of 
1941*42 when Lenningrad passed through the deadly German 
siege heroically* 

Prof* Stcherbatsky was born in 1866 in Poland at Keltse, 

where his father was a Government official , though his ancestral 

property was near St. Petersburg. After his school education, 

he joined the University of St. Petersburg where he attended 

lectures on philosophy and Indology by Minayeff and Oldenberg, 

From 1888, he studied in Vienna, He studied Alarakara with 

Buhler and after the Inter-national Congress of Orientalists in 

Borne in 1899, he studied Indian philosophy with Jacobi at Bonn, 

He made a journey to Mongalia where the Buddhist Lamas 

greatly impressed him with their deep studies in Buddhist Logic 

and Buddhist Philosophy, He began to think of Dharmaklrti as 

an 4I Indian Kant ". His Theory of Knowledge and Logic was pub- 

lished in Russian in 1903- Later, he began his Tibetan studies. 

He visited India in 1910-11, where he also read at the feet of 

Indian Pandits. In the Revolution of 1917, he lost his estate, 

but he with all courage bore ifc and went to Lenningrad where 

he worked at the Academy of Sciences, for a number of years. 

His gianfc figure with amiable temper attracted several friends, 
young and old, to the Asiatic Museum of the Academy which form* 
d as it were a meeting-place for Oriental scholars. His name 
will remain associated with those of Radloff, Qldenberg, Start 
Holsiein, Rosenberg, while younger collaborators like Dr. Ober- 
miller and Dr. Tubiansky were always proud to work in colla* 
boration with him. 

Prof. Stcherbatsky 's books on Buddhist Logic ( two vols, 1930- 
32 ) proved his acumen for understanding and unravelling sub- 
tleties of Indian Logic, Though he did not much avail himself of 

Obituary Notices- 


the Pali souices for the study of Buddhist Philosophy, it may 
safely be said chat lie was considered as fche greatest European* 
exponent of Buddhist Sanskrit works on philosophy. His Central 
Conception of JSuddhism ( 1923 \ and the masterly introduction fco 
Ms Conception of Nirvana ( 192? ) have proved his ability to in- 
terpret to the West the Buddhist philosophy as expounded in 
Sanskrit books. His work on the Sanskrit text of the Abhi* 
dharmakosa of Vasubandhu as wellj-as on Abhisamayalamkara with 
Obermiller are other evidences on the point. 

The death of Prof. Stcherbatsky has caused a void which will 
be difficult to be filled for years to come. 

P. V. B*p*t 


News has recently reached us of the death of Sir iurel Stein, 
Sir Aurel Stein was born at Budapest in 1862, After his 
education at Budapest land Dresden and ID the Universities 
of Vienna and Tubingen, he went to England for further study. 
Then he went to India, as the Principal of the Oriental College, 
Lahore. He became the Registrar of the Punjab University in 
1888. He was admitted to the Indian Education Service and 
after being tha Principal of Calcutta Madrasah ( 1899-1901 ), he 
was made Inspector-General of Education of the JTorfch-W^t 
Frontier Province ( 1904 ). But his love of explorations attracted 
the attention of the Oovt. of India for r/hom he carried on 
explorations in Chinese Turkestan or Central Asia in g^ntr*!, 
at various times (1900-01, 1906-08, and 1913-16 I From 1910, 
he was the Superintendent of the Indian Archaeological Surrey. 
Frontier Circle, but was always on special duty carrying 
explorations on behalf of the Govt. of India. He was on imeh * 
work in Baluchistan in 1926-28, Later in 1932-36. hi wa *l*o 

in Persia. 

His discoveries of a mass of treasure including painting* 
manuscripts etc. in Central Asia kept several Europe Scb0lw 

286 Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 

busy deciphering the script and contents of those manu- 
scripts which included several written in Buddhist Sanskrit 
Prakrit, Tibeeau, Chinese, Sogdian, Kutchean or Uigurish 
languages. His work on Rajatarangim, the Chronicles of 
Kashmir, is well-known to Indian scholars. Other works 
incorporating the results of his explorations such as Ancient 
Khotan ( 1907 ), Ruins of Desert Kathay ( 1912 J, Thousand Buddhas 
( 1921 ), On Alexander's Track ( 1929 }, On Ancient Central Asian 
Tracks (1933), Arch&ological Reconnaissances (1937) appeared 
from time to time. The five volumes of his wonderful Ser-India 
will alone be the fittest monument to Sir Aurel's genius and his 
contributions to our knowledge of Indian Culture outside the 
present limits of India will always he remembered with grate- 
fulness by all students of Indian culture. 

P. V. Bapat 

As we go to press we have to perform the painful duty of 
reporting the sad demise of MahamahopadhySya Dr. & 
Shamasastri, which occurred early this month. The discovery 
and the publication by him, in 1909, of the Kautillya Arthaiastra 
was undoubtedly one of the epoch-making events in the history 
of Indology. His English translation of the Kautillya Arthasastra 
and his other studies dealing with that subject may properly be 
regarded as the pioneer work in the field of Ancient Indian 
Polity. He served as the Curator of the Government Oriental 
Library for a long time, during which period, that library 
published, under his able direction, quite a large number of 
excellent Sanskrit texts. Lately he had been taking keen interest 
in Vedic Studieu, particularly in Vedic astronomy. In Dr. 
Shamasastri India has lost a veteran Sanskritist, whose devoted 
services to the cause of Indie studies will prove a great source of 
inspiration to the younger generation. 

R. N. D. 

We reproduce below an appeal published at Madras in connec- 
tion with the Kuppuswami Sastri Memorial. The late Mm, Prof. 
S. Kuppuswami Sastri dedicated his whole life to the cause of 
Sanskrit learning and culture. It is needless to dilate upon the 
unforgettable contributions made by the late Professor to Sanskrit 
studies. Suffice it to say that his name will for ever prove a 
veritable source of inspiration to the future generations of students 
of Indology. In his presidential address at the last session of the 
All India Oriental Conference held at Benares, Rao Bahadur Dr. 
S. K. Belvalkar paid a glowing tribute to the services o{ the late 
Mahamahopadhyaya and suggested that, in order to commemorate 
and continue his work, a Research Institute named after him 
should be started at Madras, on the model of the Bhandarkar 
Oriental Research Institute of Poona. It is gratifying to note that 
the suggestion has appealed to Prof. Sastri's friends, admirers and 
pupils and that an influential committee, with the Ru Hon'We 
V. S. Srinivasa Sastri as Prsident, has been formed to devise ways 
and means for the foundation of such an Institute* We heartily 
commend to all lovers of Sanskrit learning and culture the following 
appeal issued by the Committee. 

fL N. D. 



The immense services of the late Mahlmahopadhy&ya Prof* 
S, Kuppuswami Sastri to the cause of Sanskrit learning and 
education are very well known. He was a profound scholar in 
all the Sastras and a litterateur of rare excellence. He combined the 
depth of knowledge of the old style of learning with the width 
and critical outlook of the modern scholar in a remarkable 
measure. First as Principal of the Sanskrit Colleges in My bpore 
and Trivadi, and then as Professor of Sanskrit and Comparative 
Philology in the Presidency College, Madras, he played for maay 
years the most decisive part in the designing and the working of 
the courses of study in Sanskrit, and Indian languages In general 
in the University of Madras. He started the Sanskrit Academy in 
1926 in collaboration with Sri V. V. Srinivasa Ayyangar and others 
and the Journal of Oriental Research in 1927 with Sir P* S* Slim- 
swami Ayyar as the President of the Executive Committee aad 

himself as the Chief Editor ; and as the Curator of Government 
Oriental Manuscripts Library, he organised an intensive campaign 
of manuscript collection and got together what is to-day one of 
the finest collections in the world, of which the province is rightly 
proud to be the owner. During the thirty years of his work as 
Professor, he trained a number of eminent panditas and young 
men in the critical methods of the study of Sanskrit works., and 
brought into being a school of research the members of which are 
now carrying on research work in the several institutions in and 
outside Madras. He planned the revision and amplification ot 
Aufrecht r s Catalogus Catalogorum of Sanskrit Manuscripts and 
was Chief Editor of this work for some years. His work as 
member of the various academic bodies in the Universities of 
India and in the University of Madras in particular, was always 
characterised by a thoroughness and high academic perfeciion 
which earned for him the deepest respect of his colleagues. 

The Public meetings held in the city and elsewhere when the 
news of his passing away was reported last September and the 
speeches that were delivered by many scholars and publicists on 
those occasions gave clear proof of the high esteem in which his 
work was held and the love and affection his personal qualities evoked. 

At the last All India Oriental Conference held at Benares 
( December 31, 1945 and January i and 2, 1944 ), the President of 
the Conference, Dr. S. K. Belvalkar, himself a great Sanskritist, made 
an eloquent appeal for starting a Kuppuswami Sastri Research Insti- 
tute at Madras on the model of the Bhandarkar Oriental Institute at 
Poona, and the new Ganganath Jha Institute at Allahabad, Such an 
Institute would be a fitting memorial to the great Professor and it 
could take under its protecting wings the Samskrita Academy and 
Journal of Oriental Research that were so dear to the Professor 
his lifetime, undertake the publication of the unpublished 
orks of the Professor and continue the useful work of research 
started by him. 

Liberal contributions are solicited towards the realisation of this 
project which would require a lakh of Rupees as a minimum, and 
they may be kindly sent to Sri Rao Bahadur K. V. Krishnaswami 
Aiyar, Advocate, 6 North Mada Street, Mylapore. 

Reused price of the Mahabharata Edition 
( with effect from 1-4-44 ) 


For Members 

For non-Members 





Rs. 150 

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Paper Rs. 200 

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Rs. 170 

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Cloth R*. 225 

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Adiparvan, ( Fascicules 1-7 ) edited by Dr.'V. S. Sukthankar, 
M.A., Ph.D.., Price Rs. 33. Sabhaparvan, (Fasc. 13-14) 
edited by Prof. Franklin Edgerton, Price Ks. 12. Aranyaka- 
parvan, ( Fasc. 11-12 ) edited by Dr. V. S. Sukthankar, 
Price Rs. i&. Virataparvan, (Fasc. 8) edited by Dr. 
Raghu Vira, M.A.,, Ph.D., Price Rs. n. Udyogaparvan, 
( Fasc. 9-10 ) edited by Dr. S. K. De, M.A., DXitt,, Price 
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Index to Volumes I-XXI ( 1919-1940 ) of the Annals of the 
Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, compiled by G, N. 
Shrigondekar, B.A., Price Rs. 3 

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